The Pujades Affair

It is an established consensus that Jeroni Pujades, a prominent Barcelona jurist and historian, had died in 1635 at the age of 67. The only record is an obituary in the church register of a small town near the Pyrenees, dating his funeral on January 7, 1635. Yet in his Chronicle of Catalonia, Pujades refers to the 1640s in many different contexts even claiming he is "alive on January 6, 1645". The date happens to be 10 years after his funeral, and on Epiphany, a revelation that's difficult to dismiss as a coincidence!

However, a son of Pujades wrote in a letter that in the 1940s, when Catalonia was occupied by France, the French bishop Pierre de Marca robbed the manuscripts of his late father "by force of arms" and evicted the family from their home. Decades after de Marca's death, the Chronicle was recovered in France and published 1829-32 in Barcelona. A Catalan historian discovered in 2002 that the improbable dates were added by a Franciscan friar, whom King Louis XIII had installed as bishop of Urgell in 1643. If we consider that de Marca became archbishop of Toulouse in 1652, these timely rewards suggest a Baroque plot Alexandre Dumas could have invented.

2020 update: We were fooled by this plot in the 1980s because a few well-placed clues created the impression de Marca supported Pujades and staged a fake funeral with Franciscan friars to save his life. But our field research in 2018 uncovered a bizarre murder mystery! According to another hidden message in the Chronicle, Pujades was assassinated in 1635 and many of his discoveries pillaged and plagiarized by the French. This article ends with revisions and sets a new course for our grail study.


1. Introduction

          For a a better understanding of Baroque practices in the 17th century, and before we investigate the above scenarios, the chain of events that led to 'The Pujades Affair' needs to established: When scholars research the history of Catalonia, they come across the Marca Hispanica... [1], edited by the French scholar Etienne Baluze and published in 1688. Although the core of the work is by bishop Pierre de Marca, a protégé of Richelieu and friend of Mazarin, Baluze had only been his secretary for six years when he inherited his library. This enabled him to edit the work and triple its volume by adding many unique documents [2].  Consequently, the editor is now more celebrated than the author, yet it is widely overlooked that most of the additions were discovered by Pujades [3]. We will show below that Baluze created the impression he had collected these documents himself and dismissed Pujades in the index as "ignorant" (Pujadesii inscitia notadur).

The zeitgeist at the court of Louis XIV and préstige of his employer Jean-Baptiste Colbert allowed Baluze to exploit Pujades because few historians would have noticed that the slanderous remark targeted a colleague from Barcelona. Thanks to John H. Elliott (Oxford), who discovered some diaries of Pujades in the 1950s, the historian is getting some attention as an eyewitness of the political struggle that led to the ill-fated revolt of the Catalans against Spain in 1640. That it was a difficult period for Pujades as well is shown by James S. Amelang, a historian in Madrid: "Symbolizing the pressures placed on Catalan writers was the switch made by the jurist and historian Jeroni Pujades in the later volumes of the Chronicle of Catalonia. After publishing the first tome in Catalan in 1609, Pujades – never one to muffle his strident anti-Castilian sentiments – felt compelled to write the rest of his work in Spanish, for the sake of universal understanding" (See article). Amelang follows Elliott, who mentions the "anti-Castilian bitterness" of Pujades and "warm references" to the young king of France. [4]

Baluze's slander is contradicted by other historians: Esteve de Corbera [5] praises Pujades in Cataluña Illustrada (1678) as the first contemporary who "found a way in these difficult times to give us a chronicle of Catalonia... he accomplished this with great care by searching the archives for ancient documents... dedicating a better part of his life to this laudable occupation without any support, public or private, and even opposed by some out of jealousy..." In the same year, the Franciscan historian Joan Gaspar Roig i Jalpí [6] praises him even more highly: "The Second Part of the chronicle of Dr. Pujades illuminates everything noble about Catalonia, as a whole and in detail, and is worth more, without comparison, than all the treasures of Venice."  In 1821, the Dominican Jaime Villanueva [7] noted in Viage literarario á las Iglesias de España...: "There isn't a library in Catalonia, large or small, which doesn't have a copy of the Marca Hispanica... but the Second and Third Part of the Chronicle of Catalonia of Dr. Jeroni Pujades, which has many precious documents, remains unpublished for almost two centuries." He goes on to say that Baluze "repaid his benefector with an arrogant comment in the index... to exploit documents in this work and others Pujades collected in half a century in the archives of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Roussillon, Conflente, etc., and enjoyed them as if he had visited these holy places himself." (See link!).

The accusation reflects the difficulties of travel, which was time-consuming and a physical challenge in those days. Like Villanueva during his Viage, Pujades had to spend days on horseback to reach isolated locations, including the high Pyrenees, whereas Baluze could "enjoy" these discoveries at his desk in Paris. This is a first indication that de Marca was not responsible for the plagiarism of his secretary, but the reputation of Baluze remains unchallenged and Pujades is ignored because a few scholars take certain comments in his diaries literally. Instead of relying on the liberal editors of the Chronicle who praise his "genius, subtleness and erudition" (see below), Amelang quotes from the diaries to characterize Pujades as an over-zealous Roman Catholic with a deep hatred of Protestants and heretics, which makes him seem prejudicial and calls his reliability as a historian into question.

This may be one of the reasons why the Chronicle is rarely referenced today although it follows a well-established Renaissance tradition that aimed to "illustrate" the history of a country [8]. A detailed study of his work would reveal that in addition to celebrating the history and legends of Catalonia, Pujades uses a sophisticated rhetoric to attack Church history – which took some courage during the Spanish Inquisition – and raises the bar for historians as well: he doesn't simply quote and record historical information without questioning the sources and their reliability, as customary at the time, but uses his legal expertise to evaluate the conflicting accounts. 

Whenever he introduces new documents, which is often, Pujades addresses both sides of a controversy and if some doubts remain, he defers the judgment to his readers [9]. As a result, some rhetorical claims could be misunderstood if taken out of context, which is most apparent when he resorts to religious exaltation in the flowery Castilian language to keep the Inquisition off his back. Because the Catalans are used to the above-mentioned subtleties, they would have noticed that the satire of Baroque customs was inspired by Miguel de Cervantes. Pujades raises also the bar with an index of almost 200 published sources for Part One (1609), and with references in the text and at the margins. This was rare at the time, especially when compared with Francisco Diago, a Dominican historian and inquisitor whom he challenges regularly. In dealing with the legends of Montserrat, for example, Pujades contradicts not only Diago, but also the "badly informed" Antonio de Yepes [10], an official chronicler of the Benedictines. Pujades was also the first to debunk a legend about Guifré el Pilos – celebrated as the founding father of Catalonia – which claims he was raised in far-away Flanders and married a daughter of its counts. Without crediting Pujades, modern historians exposed this legend four centuries later as a forgery by an erudite churchman [11].

Perhaps, the critics of Pujades who base their evaluations solely on the diaries should at least honor the courage of their colleague by  addressing some of the open questions: Why did the Spanish continuation of the Chronicle disappear for two centuries? Did Pierre de Marca really take it by "force of arms" as claimed by the son of Pujades? [12] Only the diaries of 1601-1610 and 1621-1630 seem to exist, but would a passionate chronicler leave such gaps? Did Pujades capture the zeitgeist of Catalonia like an eyewitness with a publication of his diaries in mind, or did he reveal his private thoughts? And why should we rely on an obituary about his death in 1635 if there is overwhelming evidence that he was alive in the 1640s?

These questions require the kind of detective work few historians are willing to risk because no one wants to recall the darkest period in Catalan history – and because they could be accused of sensationalism. It's much easier to maintain that Pujades died in 1635 than having to explain why anyone would want to claim he survived for over a decade. They would have to bring up that his anti-Castilian position could have been regarded as high treason, and that he had "mortal enemies" according to Miquel Pujol i Canelles [13]. Then there is the obstacle that the Bollandists (Jesuits) and Maurists (Benedictines) copied his research methods and are now among the leading authorities on the Middle Ages because of their vast resources [14]. If this is considered, only an independent study of the Chronicle could determine if Pujades had valid reasons to contradict so many church historians, and if his findings have since been corrected for political reasons. The most controversial example is from the 1609 edition in Catalan, a rare language and seems to have been overlooked by most international scholars:

In the early 1600s, during a visit of St Pere de Rodes, a Benedictine monastery in the Pyrenees, Pujades found a Latin chronicle [15] which claims that the monastery was built over a cave where Roman clergymen had hidden precious relics in the 7th century, including the skull and crossbones of St Peter and a cup with the blood of Christ. Although Pujades doesn't refer to the legends of the Fisherking and Holy Grail verbatim, he uses a sophisticated rhetoric to expose an elaborate cover-up, as we will show below.

This could be the reason why the Spanish version of his Chronicle remained unpublished for so long. After their first disappearance, the manuscripts turned up in the library of the archbishop of Rouen in 1696 who informed Pau Ignasi de Dalmases i Ros, a Catalan aristocrat and scholar, and invited him to review them. Dalmases wrote a summary of the Chronicle during his visit in 1700 and recommended it to his peers in Barcelona. Josep Taberner i d'Ardena, the bishop of Girona and a fellow scholar was owed some favors at the court of Louis XIV and got some copies made in 1720, which disappeared again. [16] 

The above Jaime Villanueva writes that Pujades gave his manuscripts to Pierre de Marca [17], which could relate to his "anti-Castilian bitterness" and the history of the period: After their revolt in 1640, the Catalans proclaimed Louis XIII as "count of Barcelona" and gained independence from Spain – and the Vatican. Villanueva may have had inside information because he found the copies of the Chronicle in the library of Taberner's pro-French descendants [18] in the early 1800s, which made it possible to get them published. It turned out, however, that the Parisian scribe did not understand Spanish and his copies had so many errors that a major revision had to be made by the editors Fèlix Torres Amat, Albert Pujol and Pròsper de Bofarull, an erudite team of scholars, see link After being lost for almost two hundred years, the work was finally published in eight volumes between 1829 and 1832 in Barcelona. The editors had the support of the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona and, like Dalmases, were sympathetic to his ideas and intimately acquainted with the Catalan zeitgeist and history. They seem to have made sure the censure had no linear access, because they published volumes I and V in 1829, vol. VI in 1830, vols. II, III, VII in 1831, vol. VIII in August, and held back vol. IV until December, 1832. The editors introduce in vol. VII a newly discovered church register that lists the funeral of Pujades on January 7, 1635, and add that his son claims Pierre de Marca had robbed the manuscripts and documents "by force of arms" from his widowed mother. The French bishop had allegedly ordered his soldiers to evict the family and close down the house [19].

Nevertheless, the editors felt obliged to question this plot by proposing that Pujades may have been alive in the 1640s because he refers to notes and documents (flósculos) he has in Paris, and which suggests a friendly relationship with the French bishop. In the forword of vol. IV, which was published last, the editors identify their own contact in Paris: Joseph Tastu who had published satirical journals against the French court in his youth and became a noted scholar and printer (see short bio and detailed bio, both in French). He was a liberal like the editors and a Catalan from Perpignan who lived in Paris. When his print shop went bankrupt, Torres Amat recommended him to the academies in Spain and invited him to collaborate on the Memorias. He also got him to review the manuscripts of Pujades in Paris and correct some errors, which he intended to publish as volume IX.

2. Why should it matter when Pujades died

    If he died in 1635, which is accepted by all historians today, the forewords, first two chapters of the Chronicle (Esp. 117) and entire last part (Esp. 120) would be forgeries, which no one seems to address! Consequently, the Catalans can accuse a French bishop of "robbing" priceless documents from their churches and monasteries, rather than one of their own. They apparently fail to consider that they were saved from disappearing in the Vatican Archives and why so many churchmen were involved in the "Pujades Affair", either in his support or in opposition. Over 25% of the Chronicle's subscribers were churchmen, including two abbots of Montserrat and the archbishop of Tarragona.

Although it is difficult to determine if the Church was involved in the fate of Pujades, we have to begin with the problem that the published information offers a choice of two scenarios:

 a) The survival of Jeroni Pujades

When the editors address the funeral, they give the Baroque plot a new twist: They point out that "as if it were from his own mouth" Pujades had written "I'm alive today on January 6, 1645" (vol. VII, p. 349). The day is not only celebrated by the Church as "revelation" (Epiphany), but it is 10 years after his death which is quite a message! It confirms Villanueva that Pujades handed his manuscripts to de Marca after 1635, and is supported by the Catalan Diccionari Biografic and some French and Italian biographies that maintain he died "near 1650" [20].

b) The plagiarism of Pierre de Marca

The notice of the funeral on January 7, 1635, supports the claim that the French bishop took the manuscripts of Pujades by "force of arms" from his widow. It would have been in 1644 -1651, when he was "Visitador general" for the king of France in Catalonia. In the following ten years, the protégé of Richelieu had quite a career because he became archbishop of Toulouse and minister of State, and so influential at the French court that he almost succeeded Mazarin as cardinal. But Louis XIV decided to rule alone and made him (only) archbishop of Paris in 1662, the year of his death.

These scenarios raise an important point: We have solid proof of a cover-up because only one version can be true and exposes the other as a forgery. But which one? Pujades disputes his death exactly ten years later, on epihany, which is difficult to dismiss as a coincidence. Furthermore, it validates the entry in the church register because a funeral is usually a day after death in Catalonia. When we explore the esoteric side of Pujades, we will show that the Pythagorean 10 could support a revelation on the "Day of the Wisemen.

3. News from Barcelona

In April, 2011, the Barcelona conference Jeroni Pujades i el seu temps ended two centuries of silence and finally bestowed some honors on Pujades. In the 19th century, the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres had praised his work as "an ancient codex with rare and important information, like a rich mine... for the benefit of history" [21].

Eulàlia Miralles talked at the conference about the "posteritat" of Pujades, and James Amelang about "el dietari", the diaries of Pujades. Until their papers become available we can only hope they had the courage to bring up Pierre de Marca and that Pujades may have survived his "funeral" in 1635. Although they are the leading experts, they probably avoided this controversy by following Marc Mayer (p. 220), one of the guest speakers, who suggests that Josep, the son of Pujades, may have handed the manuscripts to de Marca in 1651 [22].

Antoni Cobos and Joaquim Tremoleda presented the paper Pujades i Sant Pere de Rodes and if they have done their homework would have featured his greatest discovery at the monastery: the above-mentioned Latin chronicle 223. Hence, we await with curiosity if this group of experts shared the enthusiasm of Dalmases, or if they were merely in town to recycle old ideas and enjoy world-famous Catalan cuisine. If the conference was not the overdue vindication of Pujades, and only business as usual, some erudite Catalans will hopefully revive the Acadèmia dels Desconfiats – this time on the internet!     

    2018 update: A Catalan scholar sent us a link where these articles can be found:

We could only access a few, and it looks like the experts did indeed recycle their old ideas and covered none of the controversies. However, this can be challenged by their students who can google "Jeroni Pujades" where all relevant information is available. Because of what happened in Barcelona, or didn't, John H. Elliott remains the leading authority of the "Revolt of the Catalans" and he praises Pujades as a "famous antiquarian and historian" and author of the "celebrated Corónica Universal del Principat the Cathalunya" [23]. Then there is Angela Serrano who proposed in 1988 that the Catalan aristocrat Josep Margarit is falsely characterized by prominent historians like Sanabre and Soldevila as a "mal catala" (bad Catalan) and confused terrorist. Following Josep Pella i Forgas, she disputes their claims and tries to restore his reputation as a patriot. She writes that Margarit was sent to Paris in 1641 where "he so impressed Louis XIII, Anne of Austria and Richelieu, that they made him general or governor of Catalonia" (p. 218). She points out that Margarit was a "gran amic" (great friend) of Pierre de Marca (p. 219), and ends with Pella who saw Margarit as a true hero and "exemplary individual with a fanatical love for Cataluña." She doesn't mention Pujades, who would have been another great friend, but shows eloquently why some Catalans were pro-French at the time.

The dream of Catalan independence from Spain seemed apparently too fragile at the time of the conference to consider our "Pujades Affair." Why else did Eulàlia Miralles fail to bring up that she had studied the manuscripts of Pujades at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF) in 2002 and made major discoveries? She found out that the prologues and first two chapters of ms. 117 and the entire 120 with references to the 1640s are not written by Pujades, but by the Franciscan historian Francesc Fornés, who signed the prologue of the translator. She points out that he added notes to the other manuscripts, like an editor, and improved the flawed Spanish of Pujades (p. 230), and that Fornés belonged to a "pro-French nucleus... of historians and erudite Catalans who were under the protection of Pierre de Marca." (p. 231). This news is a major break-through for our study because Fornés is the missing link between de Marca and Pujades, which would support Villanueva's account of their friendly relationship but this was probably too controversial for the Barcelona conference!

4. Was Pujades murdered in 1635?

            It is difficult to understand why over a decade passed since this work of Miralles was published, including additional research about Pujades [24], yet she and her peers continue to maintain that Pujades died in 1635. They seem to ignore that he was a "famous historian" (Elliott) and that there are no records of his death in Barcelona, Figueres or Castelló d'Empúries, only a brief notice in a church register. Nevertheless, as long as his peers maintain he died in 1635 they accept every reference to the 1640s in the Crónica as a forgery by Fornés. The claims are not limited to dates, which could be dismissed as scribal errors, but include references that challenge the reader to figure out their meaning and calculate the dates, as we will show below. If this elaborate scheme is a forgery, it would mean that the eloquent disciple of St Francis de Paula violated every rule of his order. Although little is known about his life, Miralles found proof that Fornés could have been bribed  –  although she refrains from making the accusation  –  because he was nominated by Louis XIII in 1643 as Bishop of Urgell. She refers in footnote 29 (p. 231) to a letter de Marca wrote to Tellier in 1645 with the request that two-hundred fifty escudos are sent to Fornés as down-payment for a pension the king had granted him as bishop of Urgell.

The complexity and size of the forged manuscripts and the payment to Fornés implies that a major crime was committed and covered up, which might be another reason why historians ignore it. However, if Pujades had really died of natural causes in 1635, why would de Marca bribe a Franciscan in 1643 to pretend he survived his funeral and let him include the message "I'm alive today on January 6, 1645"?  Only conspiracy theorists would be able to maintain Pujades died in 1635! They would have to explain why de Marca, a former protégé of Richelieu and friend of Mazaran, wasn't smart enough to hire a scribe who could imitate the handwriting of Pujades. And finally, they would have to come up with a reason why Fornés was allowed to add his signature, and why it was crossed out later

5. The manuscripts at the BnF 

In the early 1980s, when we first examined the Crónica in Paris, the manuscripts were in a good condition and seemed untouched since 1875, when they were rebound and the pages numbered, as stated on the first page of each volume. They have greatly deteriorated since because of improper handling and their conversion to microfilm. The first volume (Esp. 117) is virtually falling appart and a consultation of the microfilm is mandatory. Checking the orginal requires the permission of a senior librarian, which is necessary because the signature of Fornés is blocked out by a dark rectangle on the microfilm. The sample below is not a photocopy, but a sketch by this writer in 1989, long before Miralles identified Fornés (p. 264).

It was impossible to decipher "Fray Francisco Fornés" and "Indigno fray menor" when the answer wasn't known, but our sketch confirms it. Decades later, in 2017, scholars need no longer rely on inferior copies or sketches, but are allowed to photograph the documents at the BnF or purchase digital scans. Here's our photo of the crossed-out signature, which we tried to make more visible by adjusting the contrast:

Miralles (p. 229) points out that Pujades "wrote always" one column on the left side of a page to leave room for comments and illustrations on the right half, which reveals she didn't have access to Esp. 119 where Pujades started using 3/4 of the page with less room for dates and comments. The scan of the page shows that Pujades renamed the Spanish version CORONICA GENERAL DE CATALUÑA and himself Geronymo Pujadas, which Miralles doesn't seem to have noticed. She would have addressed the added headline "Jhs Maria Francisco" above the title, which uses the Christogram iota-eta-sigma (IΗΣ) from the first three letters of the Greek name of Jesus. There used to be a Franciscan convent by the name of Jesús Maria in Barcelona, which indicates the manuscripts may have been deposited there. Another open question is whether the red stamp of the Bibliothèque Royale pertains to Reg 10010 or Baluze 170? Because the "fonds Baluze" were established after the scholar's death in the early 18th century, the 10010 could identify the library of the archbishop of Rouen, which we'll address at the end of this article.

6. The unsolved mysteries of Esp. 119

          That Miralles had limited access is also revealed by her comment on p. 229 that someone added marginal notes to the first three volumes and wrote the entire fourth volume. She shows in footnote 19 as an example "Esp. 117, f. 151-154 i ms. Esp. 118, f. 409-471" and adds that "another hand, French and posterior, added some notes to Esp. 119". Had she seen Esp. 119, she would have mentioned that starting with book XII, chapter one (Barcelona edition, vol. VI, p. 320), an anonymous scribe penned the entire next 28 chapters. They are the highlights of the history of Catalonia because they cover the last years of Guifré el Pilos, the celebrated founding father of Catalonia, including his patronage of Santa Maria de Ripoll, and the history and legends of Montserrat, which Pujades introduces with the passion of a poet because it is so revered by the Catalans. But he never forgets that he is a legal expert and backs up his "illustrations" with the forged legends of Guifré el Pilos to connect them to the forged legends of Montserrat. During his rhetorical arguments, some covert others openly, Pujades debunks the claims of Francisco Diago and the "badly informed" Antonio de Yepes (pp. 384-388), and continues with Montserrat until the end of chap. 28 (p. 418) and all in the hand of a scribe. We assumed originally that Fornés wrote these chapters, because of similarities in the style, but we compared the handwriting again in early 2011 and concluded that these chapters are not written by Fornés, unless he was much younger at the time. (See samples! The scribe uses such a fluid style that he was obviously copying some drafts. In fact, we can document with the detail at left that Pujades did not dictate everything: In the beginning of chapter 29, p. 472, (Barcelona, p. 419), the scribe stops in the second line after "des del año 885. Reynaba en Francia Carlos Crasso...” and Pujades continues in mid-sentence with “poseyendo aquellos estados por lo menos des del año hasta al año...”, and keeps on writing until the end of the volume: You can click on the above detail to see more of the page! It shows the scribe above and Pujades below and, as customary at the time, both use often an s that looks like an f. The difference is most noticeable after the above 885 with 'Reynaba..," which is ornamental and not as simple as the 'des', 'del' and 'movido de' of Pujades.

The interaction is documented like a scene in a play because when the scribe hesitates, Pujades seems to grab the pen and makes a mistake he has to scratch out. As soon as he continues, he runs out of ink which indicates there was an interruption or argument. Similar corrections continue on the next page with paper swatches glued to the page, which is a sign Pujades may not have fully recovered. Two explanations come to mind why Pujades may have been upset: He either didn't know the scribe completed his "illustration" of Montserrat, which he had been looking forward to, or he disagreed with the scribe's changes. Without knowledge of the change of hands, the editors of the Barcelona edition sided with Pujades and rephrased the portion of the scribe with: "...desde el año ochocientos ochenta y cinco reinabia in Francia el emperador Cárlos craso...", but left the continuation of Pujades unchanged:  "... poseyendo aquellos estados por lo menos hasta el año..."

Pujades completes the volume himself, but the inserted 28 chapters indicate there was a period he was unable to write and had to use a scribe. Furthermore, the continuation in mid-sentence could have many reasons. 1. It may show that Pujades had suddenly entered the room.  2. The scribe was not up to the task and a better scribe had to be found if Pujades was unable to supervise at all times. 3. This opens the door for Fornés, who was a historian himself! Furthermore, the decision of Pujades to use the whole page indicates that he had to reduce the size of the manuscript, because the last volume, Esp. 120, has crease marks, which indicates it had to be concealed. The sketch at right was made in 1989 at the BnF and shows from above how two pages are connected in the middle and then folded in half. Because the four manuscripts are quite voluminous, only a couple of short chapters can be folded at a time, which implies they had to be transported in a clandestine manner [25].


Castelló d'Empúries

7. The evidence for a fake funeral

          Before we enter the Baroque maze deeper than most scholars are willing to risk, we need to visit the town where Pujades allegedly died and address his obituary. The editors of the Crónica had to rely on a certified, hand-written copy, dated August 23, 1831, which they translated from Catalan to Spanish [26]. Two hundred years later, it is faily simple to get a scan of the document, which is archived in Girona. Here is the whole page and a detail of the obituary, both with the contrast enhanced because of water damage. The few lines state that on January 7, 1635, the corpse of Pujades, a doctor of law, was buried. He had received the final sacraments during an illness, was lying in state at the above church Santa Maria and taken to Sant Francesc for burial. Each chaplain was paid two sueldos and the rector four.

We visited Girona in May, 2017, to double-check the obituaries and confirm that it is a valid church register. That there is no date of death is not unusual, according to the librarian, because funerals were always done on the next day. Hence, if we are correct in assuming that Pujades staged his own funeral it would make sense that he chose January 6, Epiphany, the day of the Wisemen.  Miquel Pujol i Canelles (1927-2011) was a philologist, medievalist, and the rector of the church in Vilafant at the outskirts of Figueres where the ancestors of Pujades resided for generations [27]. In addition to Miralles, Father Pujol is the most important informant for this article because he compiled a detailed "Aportació a la biografia de Jeroni Pujades...", which can be downloaded here.  Pujol hoped to contribute to a better understanding of this "extraordinary figure" with a homage of the "great personage Jeroni Pujades." His familiarity with the local customs allowed him to correct Josep Maria Casas Homs (1894-1979) who edited the diaries and assumes Pujades was interred at Santa Maria where the funeral is registered (p. 117). This error may have been another reason why no one suspects a cover-up, although Pujol points out that after an abuse by some Franciscans it was mandatory since 1618 (p. 148) that a corpse had to lie in state at the parish church Santa Maria before burial at another location. To show that the enforcement was pro forma and not a public ceremony, Pujol emphasizes that Pujades was taken to Santa Maria and transferred "immediately" to his family crypt at the Franciscan monastery outside the city's walls (p. 160).

Pujol checked the archives in Girona and discovered the testament of Pujades, notarized Oct. 20, 1634, and the inventory of his possessions, notarized Jan. 27, 1635 (p.152). These are specific dates, including his funeral on January 7, 1635, yet there are no other records of his death! This is difficult to explain because Pujades was a prominent personage in Barcelona where he got married in 1592, taught canon law at the University, and ran a successful law practice. In addition to private clients, he represented the city council, several universities and monasteries. He became a judge at the Appellate Court in 1603 and was retained by the city as a consultant for many "delicate cases." Pujol writes (p. 154) that he travelled much in the region, even across the Pyrenees to resolve a case of espionage for the French, which enhanced his reputation. Nevertheless, Pujades changed his life in 1604 when he accepted the position of assessor and general commissioner for Joana of Aragon, Duchess of Cardona, and countess of Empúries, and moved with his wife and children to Castelló d'Empúries (p. 157). His father, a prominent attorney in Barcelona, was born in nearby Figueres, and this took him back to where this ancestors resided for centuries. After only two years in Castelló, however, his wife of fourteen years died in 1606 and he married Salvadora a year later, a Castilian lady half his age.

When the duchess died in 1608, Pujades returned with his family to Barcelona to continue his law practice, get the first part of his Crónica published, and share with his wife the "cosmopolitan lifestyle of the big city" (p. 158). According to Pujol, he handled religious matters for the Church, political cases for representatives of the Spanish Viceroy, even for the Shah of Persia, and the usual quarrels among nobles (p. 159). But after 14 years, he accepted the position of "general assessor" of Empúries at the fortress of Roses in 1623, which took him back to the land of his ancestors. Pujol does not mention that this change gave Pujades more time to work on the Crónica and features instead the many uncles, nieces and cousins that lived in the county (p. 153) as if he wanted to show that the death and funeral of such an "illustrious personage" (p. 152) should have been documented somewhere.

8. The Franciscan connection

One of the first to mention that a continuation of the Crónica existed was the Franciscan friar Joan Roig i Jalpí in 1678. He wrote in the foreword of his Resumen... that the work is in French hands, see scan of page, and praises it as "worth more, without comparison... than all the treasures of Venice" which shows he read it. Fr. Joan was born in 1624 and therefore only eleven in 1635 like the son of Pujades, which suggests he either met the historian in the 1640s or had access to the manuscripts through de Marca or Fornés, making him the last to publish first-hand information. He was from the coastal town Blanes and shares the name 'Jalpí' with his cousin Josep de Jalpí i Juliá, the prior of Santa Maria de Meià. The prior's relationship with Pujades will be covered below, including employment of his cousin to write a book about the priory. Fr Joan became later its official 'examinador sinodal' for Girona and Barcelona and 'provincial' of the Franciscans of Paola in Catalonia [28]. This closes the circle because it shows that the Minim friars had inside information about "The Pujades Affair" from the start.

According to Pujol (pp. 147, 163-64) Pujades embraced the "Franciscan spirit" and became a lay member of the Third Rule, which is documented in a new will he made a few weeks before his alleged death (see scan of first page). He requested the usual Franciscan burial without vanity and superficial pomp, to be dressed like an undignified Franciscan friar and buried in a simple coffin as poor as a pauper. However, Pujades stipulated "expressly"  that no mass of any kind is permitted, and that neither his name nor coat of arms is displayed anywhere. These requests, which were obviously fulfilled, support our conjecture that the coffin was empty and that there was neither a procession nor a public funeral. 

In view of Pujol's comprehensive research, a scenario comes to mind that Fornés could have easily arranged with the help of a few friars: January 7, 1635 was on Sunday, a day after Epiphany, which is celebrated as Festa de Reyes for the children of the parish. The rector of Santa Maria had therefore a busy weekend and was easily persuaded to "simplify matters" in the Franciscan spirit and look the other way, especially if he was a friend of Pujades and got paid, as recorded in the register. Consequently, an empty coffin could have been deposited pro forma in the parish church of Castelló d'Empúries, and taken "immediately" (Pujol) to the monastery outside the city walls. It was simply deposited in his family crypt inside the church, after which the walls were sealed as customary to this day! 

This raises an interesting question: Would the Franciscans desecrate such a holy place with the Baroque farce of a fake funeral? If we check with Pujol (p.164), it seems he anticipated this question because he writes that the family crypt of Pujades in Castelló was empty at the time. All corpses had been transferred to the Franciscan convent Sant Nicolau in Barcelona, where his parents were entombed. Hence, any Franciscan would have supported a well-organized plot to save a human life and wouldn't regard it as a sacrilege to put an empty coffin into an empty crypt. Something we can no longer prove because, according to Pujol (p.114), the monastery and church were destroyed in 1822, shortly before the Crónica was published. His source is the historian Francesc Monsalvatge i Fosas (1853 - 1917) whose account is quite intriguing because he quotes from an informant that "the bones of Pujades and his tombstone" were singled out by an "illustrious personage" and "thrown into a moat" (see link).  More research is necessary, because the Spanish government disowned monasteries with less than twelve monks by "Royal Decret" of July, 1836" and vacant properties were auctioned off, including the ruins of San Francesc. It is mentioned that some were purchased by treasure hunters, which thickens the Baroque plot.  

In addition to the last will of Pujades, the amazing Father Pujol published the probated list of his belongings, including the library, and made it available on-line a few years before his own death. That the Crónica and its documents is not mentioned in the testament and inventory is solid evidence for our conjectures, which Pujol (p. 199) supports by speculating they may have been delivered to Pierre de Marca, which he sees as an open question that is still pending! Doesn't this surprising admission prove he questions the obituary? He even points out that some books are missing from the inventory, even Don Quixote, which suggests that Pujades took some of his favorite books along when he went into hiding.

Thanks to the historian Luis R. Corteguera, who is a leading expert on the social causes and impact of the Catalan revolt, Pujol's open question has finally been answered: One of the oldest editions of the legend "Relació del cas d'en Pere Porter..." is at the BnF in Paris with some marginal notes from Pujades [29]. The fact that it is registered under Baluze is therefore proof that he inherited this book after the death of Pierre de Marca in 1662. Because it is a popular legend in Catalonia about a peasant who claims to have visited hell, it's the kind of document the bishop would not take "by force of arms" from the widow of Pujades. It supports our conjecture that de Marca arranged for Pujades to keep some of his favorite books after the staged funeral. If the missing diaries show up as well, they might even reveal that Pujades and de Marca had been friends for decades because they were both doctors of canon and civil law and shared a passion for history. According to the Online Ecyclopedia " 1617, at the age of twenty-three, he (i.e. de Marca) had set to work looking through archives, copying charters, and corresponding with the principal men of learning of his time..." Gaquère writes that de Marca started his "Histoire de Béarn" in 1617 and completed it in 1633. Although it has been said that he plagiarized the Catalan edition of the Crónica, a personal contact would also be plausible! This would solve a problem of our conjecture, because there is no evidence that de Marca was in Catalonia to arrange the "funeral" in 1635. It seems that the simple solution of a fake funeral would make a lot more sense than an elaborate Baroque plot of forged volumes that casts a French bishop as the villain who had Pujades murdered and corrupted a Franciscan friar to become his accomplice.   

We should also add that the Franciscan Roig i Jalpí praised "the illustrious and magnificent Señor Archbishop of Paris, Pierre de Marca" a decade before the Marca Hispanica was published by Baluze [30]. He was also the first to accuse Baluze of plagiarism, to have read the continuation of the Crónica, and write that the archbishop took it to France. That it was published in 1678 is persuasive evidence for a "Franciscan connection" in support of Pujades. Miralles collected some information about Fornés and localizes him in 1632 in Catalonia when Pujades was definitely alive, and in Paris between 1642 and 1643, when Louis XIII made him bishop of Urgell. He was back in Catalonia in 1645 and preached a sermon in Barcelona on January 12, 1646, in which he praised French Gallicanism as promoted by de Marca. Hence, he could have worked with Pujades from 1632 until 1646.

9. An important second opinion

          As we explore this Baroque maze, an investigation of the death of Pujades would have to include the most qualified experts, the scholars who edited his works two centuries ago, right between Pujades and our era: Fèlix Torres Amat, Albert Pujol, and Pròsper de Bofarull. They had full support of the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres, knew every word Pujades has written and everything that was written about him. Like Dalmases, they were sympathetic to his esoteric concept and intimately acquainted with Catalan zeitgeist and history. They seem to have made sure the censure would not have linear access and held back the controversial volumes, as shown above. That Pujades survived his funeral in 1635 is somewhat implied in the "Memorias..." of Torres Amat. The extensive biography of Pujades (pp. 509-515) follows his praise in the Crónica very closely, yet the scholar stipulates on the first page:

"No he podido averguar de fijo el dia ni año en que murió..."

("I could neither establish for sure the day nor year he died", p. 509)

The Memorias were published in 1836, five years after vol. VII of the Crónica with the obituary, yet Torres Amat [31] limits himself to this disclaimer and neither includes the date of the funeral nor the alleged pro-Castilian views of Pujades as claimed in the foreword of vol. VIII in 1632. We should keep in mind that Torres had the support of the Catalan scholar Josep Tastu in Paris, who contributed to the Memorias and double-checked for him the Crónica at the Bibliothèque Royale. Critics might argue that his retirement prevented Torres Amat from making corrections, but he became Bishop of Astorga in 1834 and could have revised his views because he had spent years with the Crónica and was deeply involved with all aspects of the controversy. He had even adapted the rhetorical style of Pujades and suggested, among other things, that he phrased one of his claims in flawed Spanish as if coming "from his own mouth." The unique idea that Pujades had found a way to speak to his readers from the grave will be the subject of our final arguments!

The editors, see link, were not only important academics in Spain, but also liberals like Villanueva, who had to flee to England and spend the rest of his life there. If we consider that the Crónica was censured and required a royal license, we probably owe it to their sophistication and connections that it could be published in the first place. Pujades exposed controversies and included many esoteric messages that only a publication in a country like France would have been possible in the early 1600s. Two hundred years later, the editors were able to solve these problems rhetorically, like Pujades, and honor him by always addressing both sides of a controversy, even in 1831 when they introduced the obituary. They question its relevance by pointing out that Pujades refers repeatedly to some curious notes or sources he has in Paris: ...ut habes in flósculo meo primo, o secundo, ut habes in flósculo meo Parisiensi, etc. which they find difficult to explain. They speculate that if these notes were already in Paris during his lifetime, Pujades had a friend there who "could have been the archbishop of Paris..." (vol. 5, p. III). They avoid mentioning his name but imply de Marca's support while Pujades was alive, which is confirmed by Villanueva's account and would explain why the Crónica is not mentioned in the will. The editors write that the flósculo are at the BnF in Paris and also registered under Baluze (mss. 234, 238, 239). It remains to be seen if the list is complete, because Jesús Villanueva Lopéz claims, following Abadal, that only one document from these particular flósculo is used in the Marca Hispanica [32]. But, according to the editors, they were "flósculo ó documentos antiguos" which could include all Catalan documents from Pujades and de Marca, including the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium, which is also registered under Baluze.

10. The mental world of Pujades

          Before we look at the hidden messages of Pujades a disturbing fact needs to be addressed that could eliminate his competence as an unbiased historian. We have mentioned earlier that Pujades is described as an "an over-zealous Roman catholic with a deep hatred of Protestants and heretics", but the actual critique is even more severe: According to Amelang, the diaries of Pujades reveal his "xenophobia" and that he was a "fervent Catholic" who followed traditional religious practices like "the veneration of relics and saints". Furthermore, his "remarks on religious matters betray a militant and highly defensive awareness of being engaged in an endless battle against heresy", and show he was "obedient to the apostolic Catholic Roman see – an attitude which explains his (rare) expression of delight when he heard of a massacre of Huguenots in southern France in 1611." Amelang concludes: "It is perhaps this, the dark side of Pujades for the modern reader, that best testifies to his role as a spokesman for his times and for a mental world most would regard as better left behind." [33]

This is devastating news for aficionados of the Crónica because it means that "ignorant" (Baluze) and "prejudicial" (Amelang) are valid characterizations of Pujades, and are actually putting it kindly! Because the author of the Crónica is such a different person, any attempt to vindicate Pujades should start with a contemporary of Amelang, the historian and priest Miquel Pujol whom we cited above. He hopes his research "can serve as an homage to the great personage Jeroni Pujades and contribute to a better understanding of this extraordinary figure". Pujol describes him as "definitely a humanist" and emphasizes that it can only be said from the point of view of the diaries that the comments of Pujades are "marked by a religiosity of superstitious and naive beliefs" [34]. Later, when Pujol reconstructs the impressive library (pp.175-215) he notes that "the intellectual curiosity of our jurist is really impressive", and that Pujades expresses in the diaries "a deep faith, sincerity, and openess that is rather strange for a man of such high culture" (p.193). Coming from an erudite priest this is persuasive evidence that Pujades narrated his diaries and the Crónica from different points of views

We have also shown that Pujades liked to emulate the satirical style of Miguel de Cervantes with passionate, religious outbursts. This was apparently part of his rhetorical concept to keep inquisitors off his back, yet it entertained the Catalans because they knew it was over the top. Like Shakespeare, Johannes Kepler was a contemporary of Pujades who writes that certain things can not be said openly because of the "suffocating" power of the church in the "unfortunate" age he had to live in [35]. The Baroque era was marked by religious conflicts, and "declarations of faith" were expected by everyone in their manuscripts, even by scientists like Kepler and Newton. We tend to forget that all scholars studied rhetoric and that Pujades may have used his diaries to report the zeitgeist from the point of view of a fervent Catholic, which gets unintentional support from Amelang who labels him a "spokesman" and notes the "unbiographical" character of his diaries. Aficionados of the Crónica can confirm that aside from the usual declarations of faith and satirical phrases, Pujades was never the "fervent" supporter of the "apostolic Catholic Roman see" the diaries suggest. He had no high regard for Church historians and attacked them regularly in the Crónica, and even displayed a Catalan version of French Gallicanism by criticizing Rome and Madrid when Catalan abbots and monks were replaced by Italians and Spaniards. This is definitely not the "xenophobia" Amelang had noticed or the liberal editors of the Barcelona editions would have surely pointed it out! What they do say, repeatedly, is that we must understand the difficult period in which the "wise" and "indefatigable chronicler" had to do his work which implies he could not express himself openly. In vol. VII, p. 28, the editors mention in a footnote that he admired "la mania del Heroe del inmortal Cervantes, coetano de nuestro Cronista" and Pujol confirms when he notes that Pujades refers to Cervantes in vol. V (p. 215). When the editors praise the "genius, subtleness and erudition of the chronicler" (see below) in another footnote, it would certainly contradict the over-zealous expressions in his diaries.

Hence, before modern historians judge a peer of four hundred years ago, and base it on the diaries because they don't have time to study the Crónica, they should at least review the evaluation of Pujol, who made a clear distinction between the diarist and chronicler! But if a local historian and priest is not prestigious enough for an academic vindication of Pujades, as enlightnened as he was, it would be well-advised to consider the opinion of the liberal editors of his works. Their evidence suggests that Pujades had the ingenious idea to play the "devil's advocate" for the Baroque zeitgeist in his diaries to document on of the most tragic periods in Catalan history! This is why we propose, following Amelang, that Pujades presented the official "dark side" like a journalist in his diaries, which most Catalans regard "as better left behind", and used the Crónica to express his enlightened views as a humanist and, and with the full support of his editors found a way to add a hermetic 'time capsule' to preserve his liberal side for posterity.

11. Did Pujades "cheat the devil?"

         Pujades inhabited a complex, Baroque world in which even the etiquette restricted free speech. This remains an obstacle for most historians today because the academic discipline is rather "forensic" and almost exclusively based on facts. When they read an obituary they cant't consider other options, it closes the subject. Scientists, on the other hand, have the freedom to be creative, which is why Einstein went beyond Nietsche when he proposed "imagination is more important than knowledge". Only this kind of interdisciplinary approach makes it possible to explore the complex mind of Pujades, and especially his references to the 1640s, which are packed with hidden messages about his life and death. They stand out because such trivia has no place in a historical work, not even in a Baroque "illustration" of Catalonia, as it turns serious historians off who can't consider that it is a rhetorical tool. Besides, they would have to accuse two bishops, de Marca and Fornés, of having invented a "time capsule" to cover up the death of Pujades,  which they don't dare bring up as their own reputation could be at stake!

The first example is offered in vol. VII, p. 125, when Pujades refers to his confirmation as a child on Monday, April 26, 1574. It occurred at the church Nuestra Señora del Pino (in Catalan "del Pi" π) of which he says "it was built in 970, making it over 670 years old". The calculation takes us to the 1640s, and Pujades confirms in the middle of the next page that we are on the right track by revealing his age as "76 años de mi edad" in the context of the symbolism of the pine tree. He goes on to link the name of the church to Greek mythology, to Pan's adoration of Pitys whom he transforms into a sacred pine tree, which is mortal but sheds its seeds like tears. After this hint at St Matthew, and Chrétien's Conte du Graal it seems, he points out that Jesus was born from a mortal Mary, which concealed his divinity from the demons according to St Jerome, and ut ejus partus celaretur a diabolo was a way to cheat the devil. How he develops this in the context of his alleged death, as we see it, may seem like weird stuff for historians who dismiss our detective work as pseudo-scholarship, but they should at least try to understand his complex rhetoric because their peers of the 19th century, the liberal editors of the Crónica were quite impressed! As shown above, they add in a footnote (vol. 5, p. 127):

"Esta metafora nos da una idea del ingenio, sutileza y erudicion del Cronista"

(This metaphor gives us an idea of the genius, subtleness and erudition of the chronicler.)

That Pujades found a way to "cheat the devil" himself is confirmed exactly 54 chapters later, probably because Plato calculated (1 + (1x2) + (1x3) +4 +9 + 8 + 27 = 54) for the Generations of the Soul. The calculation mode continues when Pujades mentions the year 1637 (p. 339) and the year 1645 (below) three times in the context of the priory Maria de Meyá [36]:

1. “En que se pone la lista ó catálogo de los (nombres de los) Priores que ha tenido el priorato de Meyá desde el año 1005 hasta el que corremos hoy, que es el de 1645…" (Here is a list or catalog of the priors of the priory of Meyá from the year 1005 until today, which is 1645...)  p. 347.

2. “…los años y nombres de los que lo fueron desde dicho año 1005 hasta el presente de 1645 en que es prior el ilustre José de Jalpí y Juliá, y son los que siguen…" ( ...the years and names from 1005 until the present in 1645, when the illustrious José de Jalpí y Juliá is the prior, are the following...)  p. 347.

3. “En el año 1633, á 15 del mes de agosto del dicho año, tomó la posesion del priorato de santa Maria de Meyá el ilustre é insigne José Jalpí y de Juliá teniendo de edad solos 28 años 11 meses y 7 dias. Vive hoy que contamos 6 de enero del año 1645 ..." (In the year 1633, on August 15 of said year, took possession of the priory Santa Maria de Meyá the illustrious and renowned José Jalpí y de Juliá of only 28 years, 11 months, and 7 days of age. He is (or: I am) alive today, on January 6 of the year 1645...) p. 349.

In view of his "genius, subtleness and erudition", we are not surprised that Pujades anticipated the identity problem and decided to speak to his readers from the grave – but phrased in flawed Castilian "as if it were from his own mouth"! With the above claim in bad Spanish, which Fornés did not correct, Pujades gives his readers another chance to be ahead of the experts because of the esoteric reference to the seeds of the pine he had planted earlier! Or, as Chrétien said in the opening lines of the Conte du Graal to set up his "contes" (calculations):  "If the seeds are planted in a rich soil, the fruits will be a hundred fold". This is based on a parable of St Matthew, whom Pujades follows by picking January 6, one of the holiest days in Christianity, to reveal he is still alive. He uses the gospel to hand us the "magic key" to unlock his hermetic time capsule – because the day of the Biblical Magi is celebrated as epiphany ("revelation" in Greek, "to manifest" or "to show") – which demands a closer look at his words:   

"Vive hoy que contamos 6 de enero del año 1645..."

Now that Pujades has trained his readers to "count" and "compute the years", the leitmotif of  Chrétien's prologue, he challenges them to start a bit of computing. They have to conclude that January 6, 1645 disputes his death of exactly 10 years earlier, on Januar 6, 1635 and funeral on the next day. In addition to this revelation, which confirms the Franciscan scenario with the empty coffin, we will show below that computing is the key to the esoteric "time capsule" on several levels. Its secrets are easily unlocked if we keep in mind that Pujades was an attorney and judge who conducted his historical research from a legal point of view.   

In dealing with the identity problem, because it is written by Fornés, he decided to represent himself and guide his readers through the Baroque maze personally. According to the established facts there is the date of a funeral, which would mean he died in 1635, but this is circumstantial evidence! There is no death certificate, no date of death, no corpus delicti – only a record of the funeral. On the other hand, there is substantial evidence to the contrary: Illustrious bishops and archbishops are involved, even Louis XIII and the court of France! The "revelation" and challenge of exactly ten years refers to the Pythagorean 10 (1+2+3+4) and Plutarch's comments [37] about Plato's Timaeus, where the riddle of the lifespan of the Phoenix is calculated by subtracting the claim of the nymphs because they are lying when they pretend to live as long as 10 phoenixes. This may be messages for a future generation to open his coffin – which could have contained documents although Pujades couldn't foresee that the monastery would be reduced to rubble.

The Aportació of  Pujol was posted on the internet in 2008, and we noticed it a couple of years later. It is of great interest because he also wrote about poets in the 13th century, the history of the Jews and of Sant Pere de Rodes, themes that connect to grail romance. It is no surprise, therefore, that his rhetoric supports the scenario of a fake funeral with bits of evidence he distributes throughout his manuscript, like Kepler his "golden corns", which indicates Pujol recognized the "time-capsule" and decided to preserve the truth for posterity.

He challenges his readers to start with calculations in Part Two (p. 152), which is more subtle than it seems. He begins with his testament, which was notarized on Oct. 20, 1634, and notes that the inventory followed two and a half months later, and that the documents are strangely different, even though they are signed by the same notary. The plot thickens when he gets to the date:

"January 27, 1635 – ten days after the death of Jeroni Pujades – the widow as executor ordered an invenory of her husband's movable possessions".

Could this be a modern version of our calculations, where the Pythagorean 10 is used to dispute the funeral? Unless it's just a typo, it would be a riddle of two times ten after the funeral! Furthermore, Pujol fails to include 70 notes about the biography at the end of his article, another important number in Wolfram's work.  

We contacted Father Pujol in October, 2010, in a retirement home in Girona a year before he died. We talked to him by phone from California and were impressed by his eloquence, and richdeep, cultured voice. He sent us a letter after a few weeks with the missing notes (pp. 228 - 229) and a humerous reference to our "detective work".

Pujol celebrates Pujades in his article as an eminent ultra-jurist, deeply rooted in classicism and open to the Italian Renaissance and other modern currents (p. 175). He concludes "Jeroni Pujades was most definitely a humanist" as shown by the great works about law and theology, history and philosophy in his library. As he identifies these works, Pujol suggests under "Obres historiques" (p. 199) that, according to Jaime Villanueva, de Marca received all manuscripts from Pujades personally, and asks therefore: "was it during his official stay in Catalonia between 1644-51... or did he visit Spain earlier, on another occasion?" This is an important question for our conjectures because he could have arranged the funeral to facilitate the survival of Pujades. It is an important clue by Pujol that he mentions the voluntary hand-over and adds that the answer to this question is still pending [38]. Another open question for him is the incomplete list of around 550 books where titles and authors are mixed up. Pujol even took the time to check the testaments of Pujades's heirs and notes that none of the missing books are listed! We have shown above that Luis Corteguera discovered one of them in Paris, registered under Baluze, which we see as proof that Pujades kept his favorite books. Perhaps, the inventory was temporary because Pujades was alive, and Pujol's wrong calculation could be a message that 10+10 disputes the funeral.

Back to Pujades and his communications "from the grave". A judge, and doctor of civil and canon law, would avoid conclusive statements that could be false. When Pujades claims "...until today, which is the year 1645", "until the current year 1645", and "I´m alive today, on January 6, 1645..." it would be hearsay without written proof he saw the prior that day. (The three claims could also be an entertaining pun on Gallicanism and Peter's three denials of Christ before the cock crowed. Earlier, in vol. V, p. 245, Pujades explains this in the context of Sant Pere de Galligans, the name of a monastery in Girona, which is in Latin Sancti Petri de Galli cantu). Eulàlia Miralles checked the dates and confirms that the prior headed Maria de Meià from 1633 to 1678, but addresses neither the secret messages nor Roig i Jalpí's comments.  

Let's consider  next that Pujades established a specific day, January 6, 1645, and uses it as basis of a legal argument to show that both he and the prior were alive that day. This forces his readers to review what he had written earlier, on p. 339, where he proves that he talked personally to the prior:

"He consoled me by saying that he would give me certain papers... (me consoló diciendo, que me daria ciertos papeles) and on the same day, he sent me one of his servants with said papers... (el mismo dia me envió un criado suyo con dichos papeles...)".

To make sure his legal point is understood, he explains that the papers contain information for the previous, current and following two chapters, which validates January 6, 1645 on page 349. Out of context, the conversation with the prior and delivery of papers "on the same day" would be too trivial for a historical work, but necessary to confirm a hidden messages. Nevetheless, historians maintain unanimously that Pujades died in 1635, which means that this and all other references to the 1640s are forgeries by Fornés.

The next paragraph is in such bad Spanish that Fornés would have surely corrected it if the ambiguities didn't have a rhetorical function. Pujades writes that the "illustrious prior" was looking for an expert in 1637 another date after the funeral to search for records in his library to determine when and by whom the church and monastery were founded, and why at this location? After an "exhausting and tiring" search, the prior found one document from the year 1005 CE that lists Maria de Meyá as a Benedictine priory. Pujades implies his involvment because he adds that it may have been founded by Charlemagne or his son Louis the Pious. However, Roig i Jalpí was in his early twenties by then and could have worked for Pujades, and continued his own researches which were published in 1678. Pujades mentions that Maria de Meyá was originally part of Urgell, which is another important bit of information as we will show below.

Fornés may not have changed the most confusing claims because of their rhetoric function: Six chapters after Maria de Meyá, Pujades weaves the complex history of Ermesenda through nine chapters and makes calculations to prepare his readers for a higher theme that relates to Plato's 6 x 9 = 54. The editors explain in a footnote (vol. 5, p. 407) that the sources of Pujades differ, and that he confuses dates because he doesn't clarify if a year begins on March 25, the "conception" of Christ, or his "incarnation" on December 25, which he used in the diaries. However, the editors overlook that it is penned by a scribe who could have easily corrected the confusion. Fornés was not only the bishop of Urgell at the time, but also an erudite historian and fluent in Spanish!

In the handwriting of Fornés, Pujades goes on to quote from Ermesenda's testament and praise her Catholicism rhetorically by showing how generously she distributed her wealth among over fifty monasteries, churches, and churchmen, and even had vessels sent to the Roman pontiff. Pujades plays over several pages with the etymology of siphos, sciphos and ciphos to present a history of sacramental vessels. He goes from cups to bowls and pitchers, mentions that a cipho in the shape of a boat was used by Hercules, and sciphus in book 8 of Virgil's Aeneid. He points out that the early Church used wooden cups, later decorated with gold, which was declared an "abuse" by the popes and and replaced with silver vessels in the tenth century. It seems that Pujades features these vessels as a rhetorical set-up: He uses "serpell" and Torres Amat points out in a footnote he should have used the Catalan word instead of the Castilian, without saying it should have been greal or grala, because he ends with another Castilian translation:

"...duas copas de argento..." (p. 414).

This s a major clue because we know from Du Cange and Coromines that the original text from Urgell is "gradales duas de argento" in Latin [39]. This word play seems to indicate that Pujades is an admirer of Chrétien de Troyes and therefore teases his readers by never using the Catalan word for grail as they expected.  Critics who reject these references to the grail myth, which started at Sant Pere de Rodes, should contemplate this metaphor of Pujades, which seems to link Charles the Bald to the murder of Sunifred of Urgell:

"Kings inform themselves rarely of the truth by drinking the clear

waters at the source, but usually after they pass through

conduits that are not always clean but darkened,

polluted and corrupted, or served in vessels

that are neither jars from Portugal, nor

porcelain from India, nor a horn

of the Unicorn..."


12. The grail        

 Skeptics might argue that we are imagining the esoteric aspects, but they have surprising back-up: In the high Pyrenees above Urgell, Romanesque churches with frescoes of fiery grails [41] were discovered in the early 1900s, which scholars like Chandler R. Post, Charles L. Kuhn and Otto Demus [42] link to grail romance. They survived because of their isolated location, which indicates that other churches had depictions of grails as well, but were either white-washed or painted over centuries ago. The most dramatic examples are shown below because they document the metamorphosis of an enclosed reliquary at Sant Pere de Burgal at left to an open "grala" at Sant Climent de Taüll from around 1123 CE. This is important for our research because they were painted over half a century before Chrétien de Troyes created the word graal (grail).

 We probably owe the etymology of "grail" to Pujades as well, although du Cange is credited for linking it to the Urgell testaments, which is not a chalice in Catalonia, but a simple platter or bowl. Earlier, we had followed a paper trail from Pujades to de Marca, and finally to Baluze who impressed he savants at St-Germain-des-Prés with the documents he had inherited. According to the Catholic Encyclopedia "Baluze, together with Luc d'Achéry, Mabillon, Sainte-Marthe, Ducange, Montfaucon, and others, gathered an immense quantity of rich materials which the historians of the nineteenth century... used with the greatest skill". How much of these materials came from Pujades is still an open question because Baluze had amassed for himself before his death "1100 printed books, 957 manuscripts, more than 500 charters, and seven cases full of various documents".

Some are probably in Colbert's library today and others in the vast "fonds Baluze" at the BnF. Thanks to Baluze, it seems, Sieur du Cange was able to use the research of Pujades "with the greatest skill" because his Glossarium was published decades after the Crónica had disappeared. The scenario is better understood if we consider that it spans three generations of scholars: Pujades was born in 1568 and would have been a father figure for de Marca (at right), born 26 years later, in 1594.  Du Cange was born in 1610 and Baluze (at left) in 1630, although he never met Pujades and bashed him as "ignorant." He was merely 25 years old when he joined de Marca in 1656 as scribe, and although he had only served him for six years managed to inherit his entire collection of books and documents, including the flósculo of Pujades, which gave him substantial bragging rights in Paris. According to Jesús Villanueva Lopéz, de Marca was told by Mazarin to remove many rare documents from Catalonia and although some may have become part of the Mazarin library, we don't know how many were held back by Baluze and are now registered at the BnF under his name.

Back to Maria de Meyá and the esoteric time capsule: That Pujades saw the prior on January 6, 1645, and got the promised papers "the same day" is another revelation: Two trips on the same day are required, which indicates that Pujades was hiding out near the priory, at most about five hours away by mule or horse. This would include Lleida, where he made his doctorates and his son Dalmau studied as well, and which suggests they had some friends in the region. That's one possibility, but Gaquère writes that Pierre de Marca visited the Cistercian monastery Santa Maria de Poblet near Lleida in July of 1647 [43], which also fits our scenario because he could have met with Pujades who either lived there or nearby.

13. Other surprises

           Until new evidence contradicts these conjectures, it is rather clear that there was only one villain in the Pujades Affair: The overly ambitious Etienne Baluze who betrayed his employer after only six short years of service [44]. This is another Baroque intrigue that deserves to be addressed because Baluze inherited the library of de Marca, including the documents of Pujades, and then waited 26 years to publish the Marca Hispanica. Based on our concept that de Marca and Pujades were friends, Baluze could have inherited their documents on the condition he would publish their works, the Catalonia illustrata (Marca Hispanica) in French and Latin, and the Corònica General in Spanish, as edited and revised by Fornés. But as soon as his employer was under the ground, Baluze joined the illustrious savants at St-Germain-des-Prés to promote himself with the unique documents in his possession. He gave the work of de Marca the pretentious title Marca Hispanica; sive limes hispanicvs, hoc est, geographica & historica descriptio Cataloniae, Ruscinonis, & circumjacentium populorum and tripled its size with documents like the Gesta comitum barcinonensium.

In the process, he created the impression that he discovered most documents by removing references to Pujades and by slandering him as "ignorant' in the context of the few he chose to keep - thus damaging the reputations of Pujades and de Marca!

The Marca Hispanica is printed by François Muguet, "Imprimeur ordinaire du Roi" and "Baluze's lifelong friend" [45], which indicates Baluze made up a good story to dismiss Pujades as ignorant and cover his plagiarism! In a well-calculated plan, he had his name printed larger than de Marca's, and Colbert's even larger and dedicated the work to the powerful minister of finance of Louis XIV, which got him employed as his librarian.

We would have never known about his plagiarism had not the archbishop of Rouen invited the Catalan scholar Dalmases to review the Crónica in 1696. It is a curious omission that a noted philologist like Miralles would merely repeat in a footnote that the "archbishop of Rouen" found the manuscripts forming "dead weight" in his library because a bit of googling leads to another surprise:

It is Jacques-Nicolas Colbert  – Baluze's employer!

He became archbishop in 1691 and purchased the Colbert Library in 1692 for a nominal price after the death of his famous father and older brother. He was also a doctor of the Sorbonne and member of the Académie française and may have been familiar with Pujades. Intrigued by Baluze's slanderous remark he asked to see the manuscripts and invited a Catalan expert, Dalmases i Ros, to evaluate them at his residence. This visit took place in 1700, and acccording to the social customs, the Catalan aristocrat and his entourage could have been Colbert's guests at the Chateau de Gaillon, the summer residence of the archbishops of Rouen, which is near the river Seine on the road to Paris. The manuscripts are rather large and it would have taken Dalmases several days to study them and write a summary – even longer in good company. Both were scholars with a love of history and may have met daily to discuss the findings of Pujades, which continued at the dinner table and could have ended at the fireplace over a Calvados. Hence, they had plenty of inspiration to consider the esoteric time capsule, the effects of the Reformation, and even the involvement of esoteric orders like the Rosicrucians and Alumbrados who had symphatizers among churchmen, mostly Jesuits and Franciscans. All kinds of subjects could have come up, even grail romance! They could have considered how much of Pujades's research was rerouted by Baluze and corrected by the Mauriststs and Bollandists, which could explain why Dalmases founded the Acadèmia dels Desconfiats (Academy of the Distrustful) upon his return to Barcelona. It is probably not another coincidence that the archbishop removed Baluze from the Colbert Library at the time! Nevertheless, academics continue to turn a blind eye to his questionable character even the French historian Léopold Delisle of the BnF didn't seem to know in 1863 why he was "suddenly dismissed" in 1700 [46]. Yet Baluze continued to work on Cardinal Bouillon´s genealogy and in 1708 "appeared the Histoire généalogique de la maison d’Auvergne... where Baluze made use of documents already proved to have been forged" (see link). As a result, the cardinal had to flee to the Netherlands and Baluze was fired from other offices and banished from Paris. A lack of morals and ethics that facilitated an illustrious career had finally brought his downfall! But as long as universities keep awarding "Baluze Prizes", only a prominent scholar would be able to remove him from this lofty pedestal. A good starting point is the question why he chose his printer's daughter as "universal heir"? [47] Doesn't it imply Muguet was the man who knew too much and could have ended Baluze's career any time he wanted?

14. An important revision of our conclusions

Inspired by the Romanesque Art at the MNAC museum in Barcelona, we visited Roda de Isábena and the Vall de Boí in April, 2018. The symbolism of the colorful frescos at the churches St Climent and Sta Maria de Taüll in the high Pyrenees made us realize that our quest that started at St Pere de Rodes over forty years ago has finally reached its destination. When we checked with Pujades as usual, and only found fragments about Roda de Isábena it seemed to us that most of it was removed and replaced by Santa Maria de Meyà. We noticed also that vol. VII returns to the history of the monastery, when it was still called San Pedro de Rodas. After reading an incredible list of the donations that were allegdly bestowed upon it, a strange claim on p. 51 caught our attention. We assumed at first that it is about donated relics, as indicated by the monastery's guide book in 1993 [48], but a closer look revealed that it is added to contradict the elaborate "time capsule" that fooled us for decades.   

Just as bishop Fornés exploits Epiphany to have Pujades speak to us 10 years after his funeral, he turns to Revelation after 10 chapters about San Pedro de Roda. If we compare what Pujades writes in vol. IV about these relics, see link, the apocalyptic message impresses with its Baroque surrealism. (The text can be enlarged with a click, as well as the detail from Esp.120 at right, where it is in one paragraph!) It seems that the lamps are supposed to "enlighten us" why the most precious relics are replaced, because Becket's cape would "cover" the cup with the blood of Christ and Peter's garment his skull and crossbones. Was a last relic added to solve the riddle: the knife Peter used to repair his fishing nets? We take it as an invitation to apply Occam's razor the Franciscan way to cut a tangled web to find out if it confirms our findings in the Vall de Boí.  

Due to the theme of our website we had assumed at first that Becket's cape is supposed to symbolize the "Matter of Britain" and link San Pedro de Roda to Arthurian romance. But there is also the option that the razor cuts to Becket's assassination, and that Pujades was murdered to stop him from exposing information about the monastery's shady past.

15. The magic of the internet  

When Torres Amat et al. reached p. 21 of Esp. 220, they probably realized that Pujades would never write such nonsense, not even as a satire. Today, in 2019, these manuscripts are easily downloaded from the BnF and studied in detail. When Pujades translated the Catalan edition, he wrote Esp. 117 and 118 in a narrow column on the left half of the page, just as Miralles had noted. However, our insert at left shows that Esp. 119 is more than a new beginning, it is Coronica General now, which Miralles may not have have noticed. By comparison, the title page of Esp. 120 (at right) shows that Fornés uses two columns and changes the title again, to Coronica Universal del Principado de Catalunya, which the editors adapted and simplified to Crónica. (All four inserts above and below can be enlarged with a click!) The style of 120 is simple and the two columns look well-organized, as if dictated by Pujades! This takes us straight to the editors who solved half of the riddle without knowing it.For them, Esp. 119 and Esp. 120 looked identical, copied by the same inept Parisian churchman a hundred years earlier. But the second part of Esp. 119 (vol. VI), written by Pujades, has only19 footnotes. Fornés begins with Esp. 120 (vol. VII), and requires 96 footnotes [49], most of them corrections by the editors. The great difference supports our hypothesis that some chapters were rewritten to discredit Pujades, and to cover up that some information has been removed and replaced.

An obvious addition is the claim that Pujades is alive in the 1640s, which targets a specific day with his claim "I'm alive today on January 6, 1645" (vol. VII, p. 349). What contradicts the date is the above-mentioned obituary which lists his funeral on January 7, 1635, and establishes that he died on January 6, because burial was usually on the next day. Hence, we have solid proof that de Marca wanted to keep Pujades alive by creating the scenario of a fake funeral. Before we return to the editors, who were suspicious without access to the original manuscripts, we can expose the forgeries because Fornés kindly documents them himself. 

The Crónica opens with a lenghty prologue of Fornés in Esp. 117 where he claims to have made the translations, including a prologue of Pujades, which are both attached to the article of Miralles [50]. Fornés needed to account for the years it would take to replace the translations of 117 until 120 and therefore dated the prologue 1637. But for an unknown reason he stopped after the second chapter, because the third (at right) is still in the handwriting of Pujades. The abrupt transition exposes the entire scenario: Fornés is obviously pretending to translate the Crónica into Spanish because Pujades had expanded the Catalan version of 1609 with new insights decades later, which de Marca wanted apparently removed. We intend to do a line by line comparison over the next years because we already found one spectacular example that links San Pedro de Roda to grail romance: The "ampolla" with the blood of Christ is clarified by Pujades with the addition of "a cup" [51], which links to Esp. 120, the testament of countess Ermesenda and history of sacred vessels. It seems that de Marca wanted the etymology of "graal" removed and told Fornés to discredit Pujades by confusing the testaments of Ermesenda with her half-sister Ermengarda.

Although the editors didn't know about Fornés, they realized that something is wrong. When they publish vol. VII in 1831, they introduce the obituary of Pujades and point out in the footnotes that he seems extremely confused (bastante confusa) in Esp. 120, and that the "cláusula" (stipulation) that he was alive in 1646 may have been added by an acquaintance of prior Josep Jalpí y Julia. When vol. VIII follows in August of 1832 they add below the titles of both volumes the disclaimer that Pujades could not review his texts because of so many mistakes (equivocaciones). They also bring up Fr. Joan Roig i Jalpí a couple of times in VII, but only informed readers would notice the hint that he contributed the addition of Maria de Meyá. Its illustrious prior Josep de Jalpí y Juliá was Fr. Joan's older cousin and loyal to the Spanish crown. According to Pons Guri, the prior refused to be bribed by de Marca, and when pursued by the French had to save his life by jumping from a high window and hide for two years in the forest [52].

In view of the elaborate "time capsule" which weaves false claims about the alleged survival of Pujades through Esp. 120, the sudden stop in Esp. 117 documents the forgery and indicates that Fr. Joan had joined Fornés and that the two Franciscans found out what de Marca really had in mind, that he wanted his peers to think that Pujades survived until the 1650s so that he can remove important information for his Marca Hispanica. That Fr. Joan could have been one of the young scribes who rewrote the 28 chapters in Esp. 119 is something only a graphologist would be able to confirm. Our inclusion of Fr. Joan is supported by the fact that Pujades is localized near Maria de Meyá, which put him out of the reach of the French, and by the second "time capsule" which exposes de Marca.

It became clear at this stage of our revisions that a full evaluation of Esp. 120 would take years because the Marca Hispanica is in Latin. We noticed also that the four manuscripts Esp.117 - 120 create a false impression because they were bound at the BnF in 1875, as noted on the four originals. Because some chapters are wrongly numbered, as Torres Amat points out, and because the pages of the entire Esp. 120 have crease marks, as we showed above, the four volumes Esp 117 - 120 never existed in Catalonia because the entire Crónica were probably hidden away in a dry place in numerous boxes, and Pujades would only retrieve the chapters he needed for his work.

16. Circumstantial evidence

We are currently trying to figure out why Esp. 120 starts with two groups of precisely 10 chapters, followed by the riddle in chapter XXI (p. 51) as poined out above. An attempt to apply Occam's razor indicates that the 20 chapters contain mostly false or irrelevant information, except for a few inserted clues for scholars and "history detectives" like us. We'll identify them by the page numbers in the Barcelona edition, vol. VII, to show how the two Franciscans reveal the fate of Pujades and expose de Marca's sinister role.

The first 10 chapters feature Miron (Mir, Miro), the oldest son of Guifré el Pilos, and offer an ambigous text in Catalan (pp. 2-3) that implies he murdered his father in 912 CE to become the second count of Barcelona. This provocative claim is followed by a strange reference to Montserrat, claiming that it is the same Miron who was an infant "at the breasts of his mother or in the arms of his nurse" when he could miraculously speak and tell Fr. Juan Garin "que se levantase que Dios le habia perdonado."

We doubt that Pujades used this quote because he would remember a highlight of the Crónica when the miraculous words are spoken in Catalan and the mother is inexplicably absent (kept anonymous) at the great Fiesta for her son's baptism. Based on Wolfram's poem, we proposed that her name is Almira, as suggested by Pujades, and that her infant was born a generation earlier as a son of Sunifred or Urgell. Part of Esp. 119 (f. 409-471) is also written by scribes and the transition to Pujades on p. 471 shows that they worked together. But is is strange that the preceeding 28 chapters show at least two hands at work and are without corrections by Pujades, which allows the conjecture that at least 20 chapters could have been replaced by a forger. Hence, the chapters about the last years of Guifré el Pilos and the legends of Montserrat could have been revised to please the Church [53].

Torres Amat and his editors write in a footnote on the first page of vol. VII that the errors in the genealogy of the first counts of Barcelona are based on the "fables" in the Gesta Comitum Barchinonensium, which was published in the Marca Hispanica. This reference to de Marca's plagiarisms relates to the fact that the first (primitive) version of the Gesta opens with the monastery St Miquel de Cuixà where Dalmau, a son of Pujades, joined the Benedictine order on April 1, 1616. We also learn in vol. VII, p. 185, that he transfered to St Pere de Rodes a few years later and served the church of nearby Llancà in the prestigious position of administrator (paborde) until his death. This is an important clue because Pujades had admitted earlier, on p. 42, that he lost his son because of his own sins (le perdi por me pecados). Our findings indicate  that Dalmau informed him that the monks are using an ancient building within the monastery, which existed centuries before it was built. As this is confirmed by excavations in the 1990s [54], Pujades took them probably for the remains of an ancient Venus temple that allegedly stood at the site, and concluded that the cave with the relics was never found. We don't know how much information was removed by de Marca, but a modern archeologist had the same suspicion and followed up, as we show in the Appendix as a brief preview of our future work on Esp. 120.

By admitting the responsibility for his son's death, Pujades could be impliying that he was murdered for revealing Church secrets. As it would expose the alleged recovery of the cave with the relics as a fraud the abbots of the monastery maintained for a thousand years, the consequences of such a disclosure could be this severe. Even the enlightened Torres Amat, a churchman, was forced to insist in 1831 that the cave exists, and that it is very deep, see vol. VII, p. 27.

17. A revised scenario

From our point of view as investigative reporters or history detectives, the diverse clues in Esp. 120 add up to an interesting scenario if we stipulate that Pujades died in 1635. Miquel Pujol, see our above chapters 7-8, discovered the last will of Pujades, which was notarized on Oct. 20, 1634, and reveals that he has become a lay member of the Franciscan Order of the Third Rule and requests to be buried as poor as a pauper, without any ceremonies or pomp. Earlier, Pujol had mentioned that Pujades had "mortal enemies" and it would therefore make sense that he made a new will after his son was murdered, and avoided being seen in public.

As suggested by the riddle on p. 51, Pujades seems to have needed to pray in a church on Epiphany, January 6, 1635, and in a reversal of Becket's demise was assassinated by a churchman to stop him from disclosing other secrets. It would make sense, therefore, that his obituary shows a natural cause of death. Thanks to Father Pujol (see above), a detailed inventory of his possessions was notarized on Jan. 27, 1635, which included every book in his extensive library, but none of the manuscripts and documents of the Crónica. Hence, if de Marca appeared with an armed escort in 1643, we would also have an explanation why he evicted the widow of Pujades and her children. He needed an empty house to let his soldiers break into the walls and floors to search for the Crónica, but nothing was found as we know. 

Soon thereafter, de Marca learned from a local contact, perhaps a Jesuit [55], that Pujades joined the Franciscans before his death and entrusted them with his manuscripts. It seems that the friars had good reasons to deny him access because he was a Frenchman and had just become bishop of Couserans, a small region in the Western Pyrenees of France. Furthermore, he wasn't "preconized" by the Church because his latest work was put on the Index

But a former protégé of Richelieu knows how to solve problems and he took a copy of the Catalan version of the Crónica to Paris und shows it to Francesc Fornés, a Franciscan historian from Catalonia. De Marca may have claimed that Pujades disclosed closely guarded church secrets about Montserrat and St Pere de Rodes, and characterized him as a Gnoctic heretic. After all, Pujades had written that Jesus was "reborn" in Bethlehem [56], which could imply he was a reincarnation of the Jewish prophet Elisha as early churchmen like Origen and Tertullian believed before the divinity of Christ became a doctrine [57].

When Fornés took on the project, de Marca got Mazarin to persuade Louis XIII to install him as bishop of Urgell. This has always been a powerful title in Catalonia, and based on the claim that Pujades is an enemy of the Church, Fornés was apparently allowed by his brothers to access and revise any parts of the Crónica. We don't know where and when this was done, but Mirailles localizes Fornés 1642-43 in Paris and 1645 in two Franciscan monasteries in Catalonia, at St Riudeperes near Vic and at St Buenaventura in Barcelona. Two manuscripts identify "Jesus Maria" in Barcelona, if our interpretation is correct, although it was a Franciscan nunnery. Because King Louis XIII died in May, 1643, the new Bishop of Urgell could have started to rewrite the Crónica as early as 1643. Fr. Joan Gaspar Roig i Jalpí (see bio), who had joined the Friars Minor in 1641, may have assisted de Marca from the start to rewrite the 28 chapters in Esp. 119. He was only19 years old at the time, but must have impressed with his knowledge and was invited to help Fornés cover up the death of Pujades with a creative inclusion of Sta Maria de Meyá. According to this scenario, the two Franciscans learned from de Marca eventually that rare documents are sent to Paris, and Fornés decided to reference them with the ambiguous term "flósculo" which is a translation of Franciscan floretes [58]. They would have noticed that editing the Crónica to please the Church was merely a ploy by de Marca to pillage and plagiarise the research of Pujades for the benefit of his own works. At the same time, the Franciscans began to appreciate the achievements of Pujades, which Fr. Joan would document later in life when he had become a "provincial" of the Franciscan order and "examinador sinodal" for the bishopries Girona and Barcelona, and the priory of Santa Maria de Me. He published Resumen historial... about Girona in 1678, where he lists in the foreword the important historians in Catalonia and raises Pujades above them as the "most illustrious Catalan." He adds regrets that that the Crónica is in French hands, of which "the second part is worth more, without comparison... than all treasures of Venice.

18. Tentative conclusions

It may take decades until interdisciplinary research reaches the pinnacle of academic studies, and Pujades is finally recognized for his contributions. Until then, too much information is missing because of de Marca and Baluze, and we can only rely on Einstein's words of wisdom, that "imagination is more important than knowledge".

We accept the risk, therefore, of repeating our foolish acceptance of the "time caspsule" and could fall for another Baroque ploy! Our current revisions are based on visits to Roda de Isábena, Ribagorza, and the Vall de Boí in April, 2018. In support of our imaginative conjecture, we propose that Fornés was told to replace Roda de Isábena with Santa Maria de Meyá. With his expertise, Fr. Joan made the switch look authentic, especially with the list of 54 churches, many in ruins and unimportant (Barcelona, vol.VII, pp. 345-47), which is the kind of trivia Pujades would have never featured. In fact, the list of churches may be the key to the riddle of p. 51, because the celebration of San Pedro de Rodas and its treasures is excessive and ambiguious. Our summary attempts a creative interpretation of the Baroque symbolism:

"935 A.D. The church of this famous monastery has a great treasure with the grandiose relics it possesses." (i.e. The list of 10 relics starts with San Pedro ecsorcista, Santa Concordia, San Lucio, and San Moderando, followed by Felix, Ponce, and Epicinio who allegedly brought the above relics from Rome and founded the monastery).

"Among all seven saints could also be some lampstands (candeleros) like the ones St John, the youngest disciple of Christ had seen when he was exiled on the island of Patmos, beaming their light before God, our Lord who became man. I won't describe any holyness and virtues  of the latter because I did it elsewhere. Those who want to know about the life and holyness of the first four can read all about it in Flos Sanctorum. Furthermore, the church has the rain cape used during his pontificate by Saint Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury and twice (?) martyred for the Roman Church, and it was not without providence from heaven that they are guarding in the house of St Peter a "prenda (garment?) of the sort that can give life en prenda (clothes or covers-up?) to defend the  supreme authority and eminence of St Peter's chair and the Roman Church...  a house that's ex fundatione et dotatione subjected directly to the Holy See and Roman pontiff. They also guard there, in the sacristy of said church, a knife the apostle Peter used to repair his nets at the time he was called by Jesus, and so many other relics of great value, yet little known, that it would take too long to count them and write it down."

Until Spanish theologians correct our interpretation, the apocalyptic vision of St John will keep taking us to the apsis of St Climent de Taüll where it is visualized by a great master in 1123 CE. International art historians rate this fresco as the finest example of Romanesque art, while Catalan experts claim (wrongly) that it celebrates the majesty of Christ and misname it PANTOCRATOR. They seem to overlook that it is a didactic work with dramatic details, and that St John features Mary Magdalene with sealed lips. Hence, the light of the apocalyptic lampstands may very well symbolize churches in the Pyrenees with those fiery grails to enlighten us. We suspect that Fornés used his authority and income as bishop of Urgell to save this precious work for posterity by having it covered up. But before we get carried away by new conjectures, we better return to our study of Urgell, see link, which will hopefully conclude in November, 2020, with a full examination of the master piece.



We have seen above that Esp. 120 (vol.VII), has 10 continuous chapters about St Pedro de Roda. Chapter XI begins with Greeks from Rhodes who settle on this mountain and name it Armen-Roda. A critical reader will notice that the worship of deities like Hercules and Diana is mentioned, but neither Venus nor Aphodite are mentioned. Chapter XII repeats the legend of Felix, Protasio and Epicino, but just when readers expect a revised legend of the relics, the narration shifts to other cave stories, from Virgil in the Aeneid, Ovid's cave of Cybele, and even one near Barcelona, which makes Torres Amat remark in a footnote that Pujades seems to admire the whims of Don Quixote.

Alexandre Deolofeo writes in the English version of the monastery's tourist guide: "In the cleaning works carried out during these last years, once the rubble had been cleared, it has been proved that no such cave exists and that it is only a ramp which leads back into the church." We entered the hole next to the altar in 1978, and could see the damage some treasure hunters had done with dynamite [59].  Unfortunately, none of these findings reached the general public [60] and we had to wait decades for an archeologist to mention the ongoing cover-up. At last, Eduard Riu-Barrera simply ignored the cave by writing in 2006 that the main altar of the church "was a white marble slab of extraordinary magnitude... supported by four blocks of marble that bore Roman inscriptions... as reported by the chronicler Jeroni Pujades in the early 17th century. Below it was a relatively spacious hiding place built in an underground deposit, which recent excavations have found totally ravaged by pillagers." [61] Riu-Barrera is an archeologist and historian who advised the architects from 1992 to 1996, when the cloister was excavated and restored [62].

The leading art historian for the site has been for many years Immaculada Lorés and her comprehensive book about the restoration covers everything in great detail, including the work of the archeologists. According to Lorés, they found along the Eastern wall of the monastery a structure of large rectangular granit blocks, 25 x 7 m, which is different because the monastery is built with small stone slabs, and they are definitely ("amb tota seguridad") from Antiquity [63]. If you click on the insert you'll notice that the altar of the church is only about 20 meters from the ancient wall, which disproves the legend of the long search and reveals that the cave was never found.

Before we return to the conclusions of Torres Amat in vol. IV, we need to spend more time with the mysterious structure. Lorés is an art historian, yet she declines to speculate about its original function and merely confirms that it is in an important, strategic location. This could mean that a major announcement is forthcoming because the church was built with similar granit blocks and a few Corinthian capitals, as our picture shows at left. (You can click on the insert for a larger size!) It is rather curious that Lorés admits "there used to be an ancient temple at the site, dedicated to Venus" and goes on to credit Pierre de Marca for introducing the legend [64]. However, if art historians can't dare to put two and two together, archeologists are probably even be more restricted. Unless they understand what this is about, perhaps with the help of Pujades, and are kindly willing to provide the answer.

Eduard Riu-Barrera has studied Pujades, as he shows above, and he introduces a contemporary of Torres Amat who localized the monastery at the site of the ancient temple and offers solid proof of de Marca's plagiarism. It is the Catalan scholar Jaubert de Passa, from nearby Roussilon, whose entertaining report in French was published 1833 in Paris [65]. He begins with Venus mountain (podium veneris) and the ancient temple below its peak, consecrated to Venus and Aphrodite, and goes on to feature its fame in the region. His summary of the legend Pujades had discovered begins with the reign of emperor Phocas in 609 CE, when the Roman churchmen Felix, Ponse and Epicine sail to Spain with a precious cargo of relics, as ordered by pope Boniface IV. They disembark North of the Cape of the Cross, formerly Cape of Venus or Aphrodite, discover a cave where St. Paul of Narbonne had lived as a hermit, and hide the relics inside. As time goes by, a monastery grows above the cave, and this is where the legend ends for de Passa, see link!  His version omits the search for the cave and its relics, but supports with 15 footnotes that all of the above is based on Pierre de Marca. Riu-Barrera seems to have noticed that Pujades is plagiarized, because he double-checked every footnote during his translation of the French text to make sure de Passa quoted the "Marca Hispanica" correctly.

Torres Amat left similar footnotes that expose de Marca's plagiarism and announced that a final vol. IX will follow with the usual indexes, critical comments, and appendices. He writes that the scholar Joseph Tastu, see above chap. 9, is currently comparing volumes V - VIII with the manuscripts of Pujades at the Bibliothèque Royale in Paris. The new volume is supposed to begin with his "curious and important" report about the flósculo or ancient documents, including works of Catalan poets and troubadours of which Tastu has discovered 52 in the library. This may be the link to grail romance we had expected, and could get support from Rita Lejeune who proposes "by 1170, the date of Chrétien’s Erec… the knights of the Round Table were already celebrated in far-away Catalonia" [66].

It would indeed be a sad day for Catalans if nomen est omen and their "Mont Verdera" is desecrated by the truth and the public informed that the monastery is not built over a cave under the altar, which its abbots covered up for a thousand years. Many scholars keep apparently quiet about the lost cave with Peter's skull and the "grail" for the same reason. Just as the chamber under the altar has been pillaged for centuries, the entire mountain would be crawling with treasure hunters today, equipped with drones and ground penetrating radar [67] because the cave should contain priceless treasures like Helena's crown and over-sized golden cross, which are also missing from Peter's tomb in Rome, see link.  

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         1. Petro de Marca, Marca Hispanica sive limes Hispanicvs, hoc est, geographica & historica descriptio Cataloniae, Ruscinonis, & circumjacentium populorum, Franciscum Muguet, Paris, 1688..

            2. Jesús Villanueva Lopez, La Marca Hispanica de Pierre de Marca y Étienne Baluze a través de sus tres momentos de composición... (Barcelona, 2004), pp. 205-232.  Available on-line.

           3. Gerónimo Pujades, Crónica Universal del Principado de Cataluña, vol. V, (Barcelona, 1829), p.VI.

       4. J.H. Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans, A Study in the Decline of Spain 1598-1640 (Cambridge, 1984), paperback edition, pp. 253-54.

        5. Estevan de Corbera, Cataluña Illustrada, (Napoli, 1678), p.6. The quote simplifies and paraphrases the Baroque praise, which is much more flowery: "Uno dellos es el Dotor Hieronymo Pujades q’a sido el primero que rompiò este hilo, y abrio camino entre tantas difficultades dandonos una Crónica  general de Cataluña, y aunque poco conocido de los Estrãngeros por haverla escrito en lengua Catalana, y mal reçebida dela emulacion de sus cónaturales, estra texida, y continuada con gran cuydado, y prudencia, y con advertencias, y curiosidades muy dignas de estimacion, ha trabajado mucho, y siempre a su costa reboluiendo Archivos, averiguado antiguedades, y empleando lo mejor de su vida en diligencias, y peregrinaciones encaminadas a este fin tan loable, sin que aya tenido jamas arrimo o favor publico, o particular que le alentara, y socorriere en tan honrosa ocupacion ; antes algunos que no saben lo que valen aquellos trabajos quieren a carga cerrada codenarlos ; tristes effetos de una emulacion enbidiosa. Condenan lo que no alcançan que ay grandes leguas dela presuncion ala Obra..."

           6. Fr. Joan Gaspar Roig i Jalpí, Resumen Historial de las Grandezas, y Antiquedades de la Cuidad de Gerona..., (Barcelona, 1678), quoted from his foreword, thanks to Google:  Here's a scan of the page:

        7. Jaime Villanueva, Viage literarario a las Iglesias de España, vol. 6, Carta L, (Valencia, 1821), pp. 233-34. Volumes 1-6 were originally published in Madrid between 1803 and 1806. His account in Carta L triggered our dispute of Pujades' death in 1635 before we discovered Fr. Joan (see above, n. 6). Here's the link to the quote.

        8. Jesús Villanueva (see above, n. 2), pp. 221-22.  Italia Illustrada (1448-1458) by Flavio Blondo was the first work to “recompile all illustrious events of the country for the admiration of the locals and foreigners”. This was followed by Germania illustrata (ca. 1500), Illustrations de Gaule (1511-1513), Illustrations dels comtats…(1586), Hispania illustrata (1603-1608), and Cataluña Illustrada, written until 1630 by Esteve de Corbera. Pierre de Marca intended originally to publish his work as Catalonia illustrata, in French and Latin, and dedicate it to Mazarin. We should add that 'illustration' has lost some of its meaning which used to be more like illumination, including enlightening and embelished.

         9.  Marc Mayer, Xavier Espluga, Alejandra Guzmàn, L’epigrafia a la Corònica de Jeroni Pujades (1569-1636), (Barcelona, 2004), pp.224-25. Pujades writes: “Que nadie puede ser buen censor, ni juez, que no oiga ambas partes. Quado se ofrecerán encontradas opiniones, las referiré; y, si es posible, como lo será las más veses, las consiliaré y reduziré a concordia; y quado no pueda llegar á tanto, puestos los fundamentos y razones de ambas partes, quedará la decision de la duda a la discreción del lector." (from BnF, Ms. 117, fol. 8r.

           10.  Pujades, (see above, n. 3), (Barcelona, 1830), vol. VI, pp.384-388. Pujades dedicates an entire chapter to correct the "mal informado" abad Antonio Yepez. The churchman died in 1618 as abbot of the monastery San Benito de Valladolid, where his chronicle was published. He is known today as Fr. Antonio de Yepes, and his Coronica general de la Orden de San Benito is available at

        11. Ibid, p. 279. Pujades corrects here the Dominican historian Francisco Diago: Because Baldwin I “Ironarm” abducted Judith in 862 CE and Guifré is documented in 870 CE in Catalonia, the eight-year interval was too short for Judith to have gotten pregnant with a daughter that was old enough to get pregnant herself. Hence, the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium (BnF) states falsely that Guifré got the daughter of the Counts of Flanders pregnant and married her later. See also Miquel Coll i Alentorn, Historiografia, (Barcelona, 1991), p. 54. He writes that Guifré's vita in the Gesta pretends to be a legend, whereas it is in fact rather “erudite, and probably dreamt up for pragmatic reasons.” Stefano Maria Cingolani, Gestes dels comtes de Barcelona I reis d’Aragó, (Valencia, 2008), p. 44, adds that "the forger seems to have been very familiar with history.

        12.  Pujades, (see above, n. 3), (Barcelona, 1831), vol. VII, pp. I, III. The editors mention it twice, on p. I: "...el Dr. José Pujades; despues de contestar la carrera literaria del Cronista, su trabajo y dispendios en escribir la Crónica, y el robo de ella por el Sr. Marca..." and on p. III: "...el mismo Arzopispo de Paris, que aprovechándose de su venida á Cataluña en calidad de Comisionado regio del Rey de Francia en los disturbios civiles del año 1640 á 52, y despues de la muerte del Dr. Gerónimo... apoderándose de la Crónica á mano armada, cercando la casa de la viuda del Dr. Pujades, y llevándose todos su papeles, segun la tradicion que se conserva entre sus descendientes, á quienes debemos esta noticia".  

        13. Miquel Pujol i Canelles, Aportació a la biografia de Jeroni Pujades, Una biblioteca particular de començament del segle XVII, 1985, writes "enemics mortals", p.158. His findings and wide field of interests show that he understood Pujades better than most modern scholars. He was honored at the "Jornada d’estudi en homenatge a Miquel Pujol Canelles celebrades el passat 19 d’octubre, 2011," and in 2014 at "El Cicle de Conferències du el nom del filòleg, medievalista i investigador castelloní Miquel Pujol Canelles (1927-2011). He was also known as a medievalist because of such works as La poesia occitanocatalana de Castelló d’Empúries, Recull de poemes de final del segle XIII i primer terç del XIV, and La conversió dels jueus de Castelló d’Empúries.

         14. Harald Zimmermann, Das Mittelalter, 1. Teil, (Braunschweig, 1975), p. 9: "Den Bollandisten und den Maurinern blieb die Führung in der Mittelalterforschung gewahrt, was um so leichter möglich war, als hier wie dort die Arbeit von der ganzen Gemeinschaft getragen wurde."

         15.  Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. IV, pp. 186-190. See also VIII (1832), p. 123, where he refers to "el grande libro del numero 223 llamado Registro" que es del órden del P. San Benito". He references folio 17, dated July 1, 1097, which indicates that the first 16 pages of the chronicle may cover several centuries. A comparison with the first edition of the Coronica vniversal... (Barcelona, 1609) and f. 316v. in Paris shows that both mention an "ampolla" with the blood of Christ. But the translation of Pujades shows that he expanded it to "un vaso, o ampolla" which was unknown to the editors and never published. In Castilian Spanish "vaso" is a better translation of the Catalan "grala" because it includes vessels for drinking and all kinds of common bowls. According to the chronicle, the Romans feared an attack by the Persians in the early seventh century and had churchmen take a ship full of their most precious relics to the west. After a favorable wind from the South – a dangerous storm in the revised edition – they rested a few days in a natural harbor at the Pyrenees and decided to hide their cargo in a cave they discovered, including the holy vessel and remains of St Peter. When they returned, they were unable to find the cave and continued the search for the rest of their lives. These are the basic ingredients of grail lore, with a bit of Monty Python, because there would ineluctably have been witnesses if some Italians were climbing up and down these mountains until they died of old age. Had the locals asked them what they are looking for, they could have said a "gradalis", a vessel of no value, and some "reliquiae insignes". If pressed for details, they might have admitted a search for some bones, the bones of a fisherman, even of an important fisherman. As time went by, the tale grew in the imagination of passing minstrels to the "quest" for a holy grala which is "guarded" by a rich fisherman or fisherking. The higher theme of grail romance was added when a later generation realized that spiritual values are more important than material things. (See detailed tale)

        16. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. V, p. IV. 

        17. Ibid, p. VII. According to Viage literarario..., vol. 6, letter 50, pp. 233-5, the copies were inherited by Bishop Taberner's brother, the count of Darnius. When the Marqués de Villel married the Condesa de Darnius in 1784, the manuscripts became part of his library. It is rather curious that the illustrious "Marqués de Villel, Conde de Darnius, grande de España y gentilhombre de Cámara de Su Majestad con ejercicio" may have led a double-life as a pro-French member of "La Nobleza Catalana Bonapartista 1808 - 1815", which would explain why he alerted Villanueva of the copies in his possession. There is also an entertaining quote from Marx and Engels (La España Revolucionaria): "En Cádiz, que era lo más revolucionario de España en aquella época, la presencia de un delegado de la Junta Central, el estúpido y engreído marqués de Villel, provocó una insurrección el 22 y 23 de febrero de 1809 que, de no haber sido desviada a tiempo hacia el cauce de la guerra por la independencia, hubiera tenido las más desastrosas consecuencias." For the German version google "Karl Marx Friedrich Engels" (MEGA)

        18. Ibid, pp. II-III.

        19. Pujades, (see above, n. 12)

        20. Diccionari Biografic, vol. III, (Barcelona, 1966), p. 594. The Enciclopedia Italiana, XXVIII, Roma, MCMXXV-XIV, proposes that Pujades died "...verso la metà del secolo seguente", and the Biographie Universelle (Michaud), tome 34, Paris, writes he died "...vers 1650”.

        21. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. V, p.VI. "No puede dudarse, dice la censura de la Real Acadèmia de la historia, que el autor á costa de mucha aplicacion y trabajo, recopiló en su Crónica  cuanto estaba esparcido en los antiguos autores, que reconoció muchos archivos, y se aprovechó de sus códices y documentos: y aun de puede asegurar, sin ecsageracion, que ilustra la historia de Cataluña con muchas noticias mas que cuantos le precedieron… Nos parece que se puede mirar y publicar como un códice antiguo lleno de noticias curiosas é importantes, y como una mina que pueden beneficiar los Editores con grandes ventajas de la historia…" 

        22. Pujades, (see above, n. 12). See also François Gaquère, Pierre de Marca, Sa Vie, ses Oevres, son Gallicanisme, (Paris, 1932), p.213. It is amazing how some academics fail to do their homework because, according to Gaquère, de Marca mentions in a letter of June 20, 1646, that he and governor Margarit were aware of a possible assassination and had to travel with an escort of ten soldiers. The most plausable scenario for de Marca's "robbery" is that when the Catalan retreat was foreseeable, he came with his soldiers to save the family from reprisals. Perhaps, they showed force to make it look like an involuntary act for the neighbors as insurance for their later return. This scenario would also correct the the final "Advertencia" in the Crónica (tome VIII, pp. I - IX), where it is claimed at length that Pujades and family were ardent pro-Castilians. It says on p. V: "...como muriese en el año de 1635 dejando al dicho Dr. José Pujades su hijo, solo en edad de 11 años, y los franceses entrasen á occupar Cataluña en el año de 1640 hasta 1652, el obispo Pedro Marca, del partido de Francia, cargó con los originales, y se los llevó en Francia, sin que se puede gozar la luz de tanto trabajo." For more information about how Pujades seems to have survived his "funeral" with the help of de Marca, see rough draft of additional conjectures.

        23.  Elliott, (see above, n. 12), p. 580.

        24.  Eulàlia Miralles i Jori, La Corónica Universal del Principado de Cataluña de Jeroni Pujades, und obra interpolada?, (Barcelona, 2002), La Crónica Universal..., Academia de Barcelona (Barcelona, 2003), etc.

           25. That the Crónica was in Franciscan hands is supported by Joan Roig i Jalpí, who referred to the Second part in 1678, ten years before the "Marca hispanica..." was published, and valued the contributions of Pujades as surpassing the treasures of Venice. Esp. 119 and 120 are headlined with "Jhs Maria Francisco". A comparison shows that they are by different scribes, which suggests Fornés may have stored the manuscripts at a Franciscan monastery where he edited the work, and only took a few chapters to Pujades for his review. 

          26. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VII, p. II. The Spanish translation: “Hoy á los siete de enero de mil seiscientos treinta y cinco fué enterrado el cuerpo del Señor Gerónimo Pujades, Doctor en Derechos de la presente villa; en su enfermedad ha recibido todos los sacramentos de la Sta. Madre Iglesia : se le ha hecho sepultura mayor en la iglesia mayor, y despues le llevaron á san Francisco, y allí está su cuerpo enterrado. Dieron á cada Capellan dos sueldos por la sepultura, y al Rector semanero cuatro sueldos. Cujus anima requiescat in pace, Amen. Por mí Jayme Correja Pbo. y otro de los Rectores de Castelló y de San Juan Sescloses.”

          27. Pujol, (see above, n. 12), p. 146.  In addition to the last will of Pujades, Pujol provides the probated list of his posssession, including every book and document in his library, yet the Crónica is not mentioned, which is strong evidence that it was already in the hands of de Marca.

          28. Josep M. Pons Guri, Roig y Jalpí y el Prior de Meyá, Annales de l'Institut Gironins, No. 14, 1960, pp. 12-13.

          29. Luis R. Corteguera, The Peasant Who Went to Hell: Dreams and Visions in Early Modern Spain, eds. Anne Plane and Leslie Tuttle, Dreams, Dreamers and Visions: The Early Modern Atlantic World (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), pp. 101-2. Cortgeguera found the book at the BnF in the Baluze collection, no. 238, fol. 38or, and discusses in detail the marginal notes of Pujades.

         30. Roig i Jalpí, (See above, n. 6) p. 245 which is available on-line. He also accuses Baluze of exploiting the researches of Pujades and de Marca in other works, like tome 10 on Councils, published in 1671, col. 614.

          31. Fèlix Torres Amat, Memorias para ayudar..., (Barcelona, 1836), p. 509. The complete quote: "No he podido averguar de fijo el dia ni año que murió, pero en su Crónica  libro XIV cap. 62, dice que aquello lo escríbia en 1645, y segun esto tenia entonces 77 años de edad." (Available on-line at Google.

          32. Jesús Villanueva, (see above, n. 2), p. 214.

          33. James S. Amelang, Spain, Europe and the Atlantic word, Essays in honour of John H. Elliott, ed. Richard L. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, The mental world of Jeroni Pujades, (Cambridge UK - 1995), p.21

           34. Pujol, (see above, n. 12), p.101.

           35. Johannes Kepler, Mysterium Cosmographicum, De Stella Nova, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 1, ed. Max Caspar, (Munich, 1938), pp.441-61. He writes: "Mit drei Argumenten wird offen operiert... Ein viertes, das den Menschen Mund und Augen verschliesset, steht dunkel im Hintergrund: die Autorität der heutigen Theologen bei allen Parteien. Diese ist so erdrückend, dass ich nicht umhin kann, dieses Zeitalter als unglücklich zu beklagen."

           36. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VII., pp. 347-49

    37. Plutarch’s Moralia, de defectu oraculorum, Pearson/Sandbach, Vol. XI, (Harvard, 1927), pp.381-87

         38. Pujol (See above, n. 12) writes (p. 199) under "Obres històriques: …Tal vegada és ara l'ocasió de preguntar-se ¿per qué no consta la Crónica –ni els Flòsculs– en el Memorial de llibres, realitzat ascassament deu dies després de la mort de Jeroni Pujades? Que Pere de Marca se n'endugué els manuscrits de la Crónica , entre altres documents importants, sembla no haver-hi cap dubte. Marca estigué oficialment a Catalunya del 1644 fins al 1651, interval de temps en què es suposa que aconsegui de l'esposa I als fills els cobejats manuscrits. ¿Visità en alguna altra ocasió anteriorment Espanya? El P. Villanueva, per la seva banda, diu clarament que l'arquebisbe Marca els demanà personalment a Pujades en vida d'aquest. Com sigui, la question d'aquesta absència queda pendent."    

39. C. du Fresne du Cange, Glossarium mediæ..., (Niort, 1885), Tom. IV, p.91. He is followed by Joan Cromines, Diccionari Etimològic Complimentari de la Llegua Catalana, Vol. IV, (Barcelona, 1984), p.637: GREAL “del cat. Greala ‘escudella’ (cat. arcaic gradal, f.)… La dada més antiga que es té del mot en qualsevo país es troba en una escriptura catalana, in més concretament Urgelllesa en latí en l’any 1010 (du C.) 'ad Sancta Fide coenobio gradales duas de argento'... D’Ermengarda, filla del comte Borrell de Barcelona, any 1030, tornem a trobar 'vexela de auro et de argento, id sunt enapos V, et gradals II... 

          40. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VI, p. 263. This poetic metaphor seems to relate to Sunifred of Urgell, the father of Guifré el Pilos, who lost the support of Charles the Bald because of false accusations. It is paraphrased from: "…los reyes en el informarse de las cosas y en el saber el justo valor de ellas pocas veces beben agua clara saliendo de sus manantiales; y no tomándolas de sus principios, sino de relaciones pasadas por conductos no siempre límpios, ántes muy amenudo charcosos, corrompidos y gastados, ó presentados en vasos que no son búcaros de Portugal ni porcelanas de la India ó hueso de unicornio; es muy posible lleguen gastadas ó en de peligro serlo, y aun de estragar los estómagos de quien las bebe." Apparently, Pujades discovered that the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium pertains to grail romance.

              41. Manuel Castiñeiras and Jordi Camps, Romanesque Art in the MNAC collections, with Joan Duran-Porta, tr. Andrew Langdon-Davies and Andrew Stacey, pp. 27-28, 46, (Barcelona, 2008).  See also Joseph Goering, The Virgin and the Grail: origins of a legend, (New Haven, 2005).

             42.  Chandler R. Post, A History of Spanish Painting, (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), vol. I, p. 195, Charles L. Kuhn, Romanesque mural painting of Catalonia, (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), p. 20, Otto Demus, Romanische Wandmalerei, (Munich, 1968), p. 160.  

             43. Gaquère, (see above, n. 22), p.71  

             44Jesús Villanueva (see above, n. 2), p. 208: He writes that Baluze became secretary in 1656, only six years before de Marca's death. 

          45. Keith Busby, Les Manuscrits de Chrétien de Troyes, vol.2, (Amsterdam, 1993), pp. 95-96.      

         46. Léopold Delisle, Les manuscrits de Colbert, num. 1, (Paris 1863) p. 301. The noted "administrateur général de la Bibliothèque nationale" writes: "On ne sait pour quels motifs le savant qui avait crée cette collection, qui l'avait adminstrée avec tant the zèle, en fut tout à coup séparé." Available on-line.

             47. Busby, (see above n. 45)  

             48. Joan Badia i Homs, Monastery of Sant Pere de Rodes, English Guide, (Barcelona, 1993), and 2nd. Edition, revised (Barcelona, 2002), p. 33. The historian mentions a 15th century inventory of the relics that were "deposited in the cave beneath the crypt," beginning with Peter's bones and Christ's blood relic. He mentions other relics, which he considers quite ridiculous, such as the cape of Thomas Becket, an iron chain to shackle the apostle Paul, "...the white stone from which our Lord mounted the donkey... Red soil on which he stepped when he said pax vobis, etc."

         49. "Tercera Parte, que el autor dejó inédita..." For example, vol. VI has 19 footnotes of the editors, and VII has 96. The critical footnotes are on pp. 2, 3, 11, 14, 15, 21, 37, 40, 46, 61, 62, 68, 79, 84, 89, 91, 102, 105, 110, 125, 147, 158, 163, 183, 186,  213, 247, 306, 310, 323, 328, 362, 385, 404, 407, 408, 409, 413, 419, 426, 449, 474, 479, 490, 536, 542, 543, 544. The references to the Marca Hispanica are on pp. 61, 70, 430, and to flósculo on pp. 92, 95, 143, 387. The others are in vol. VIII, which is part of Esp. 120: Critical footnotes are on pp. 2, 13, 18, 36, 47, 61, 65, 77, 94, 100, 128, 161, 356, 391, to Marca Hispanica are on pp. 69, 70, 278, 293, 296, 308, 432, 440, 446, 450, 483, 509, and to flósculo on pp. 170, 312, 315, 317, and 348. See also Vol. VII, pp. 1-2: "Son muchas y de la mayor consecuencia las equivocaciones sobre la sucesion y épocas de nuestros primitivos Condes en que han incurrido los historiadores de Cataluña por falte de noticias, y por haber dado asenso con la sobrada buena fé á las fábulas que nos dejó escritas el autor del Gesta Comitum Barchinonensium publicado por Balucio en el Marca Hispanica".       

         50. Miralles, (see above, n. 24), Appendices.

             51. Pujades, (see above, n. 15)

             52. Pons Guri, (see above, n. 28) , pp. 28-29.

         53. While in Catalonia de Marca had a severe illness and took a retreat at Montserrat. After his recovery "Twelve Capuccine monks and twelve young girls, all on bare feet" went on a pilgrimage up the mountain to thank the Black Madonna. None of this is mentioned in Catholic encyclopedias, only by the French Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne (Michaud), which we take as evidence that the abbot appreciated de Marca's support.

         54.  Immaculada Lorés, El Monestir De Sant Pere De Rodes, (Barcelona, 2002), p. 287. "També es va poder comprovar de l'edifici estigué en ús com a mínim fins al segle XVII..."

         55.  That de Marca had influential friends among the Jesuits is disclosed by Jean Racine: "The Jesuits had a new triumph when the king nominated de Marca as archbishop of Paris..." (Histoire de Port-Royal, p. CCXVI). This could explain why the leading Jesuit scholars Henschen and Papebroch arrived in Paris on August 11, 1662, six weeks after de Marca's death, and "were immediately put in touch" with the "distinguished savants" of Paris. According to the Catholic Encyclopedia they did three months of research in Paris and left for Rouen (see Bollandists, p. 633). They could have been looking for the Crónica and learned that de Marca had it entrusted to a churchman in Rouen, but who fortunately refused to cooperate.

         56. He celebrates the birth of Jesus as "VENINT novament en lo mon Christo nostre Senyor" which he translates into Spanish (Esp. 118, p.1) with: "Viviendo nuevamente en el Mundo JesusChristo nuestro Señor..." The editors of the Barcelona edition decided to move the beginning of Esp.118 to p. 262 of vol. II, and replace the "rebirth" of Christ with a traditional concept: "He llegado al tiempo mas memorable, que es el del glorioso Nacimiento de Jesucristo nuestro Señor, Hijo único del Eterno Padre…."

          57. W.Y. Evans-Wentz, The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, University Books, 1966, pp. 359-362. He studied religion, philosophy, and history at Stanford, and Celtic mythology at Oxford where he published his thesis in the above book in 1911, and then left for India and Tibet to study Eastern religions for most of his life.

         58. According to P. ADDANTE (ed.), I fioretti di San Francesco di Paola, Reggio Calabria 2007 (1507), the flósculo are Spanish for Franciscan floretes, but the quote is in Catalan: "Arran del seu proces de beatificacio, Sant Francesc de Paola disposaria dels seus propis fioretti. Similars als de Sant Francesc d’Assis, les floretes per excellencia, tan llegides que, de ben segur (atesa la devocio familiar), ell devia coneixer be".

         59. Eduard Riu-Barrera, La fortuna d'unes obres, Sant Pere de Rodes, del monestir al museu, from Quaderns del Museu Frederic Marès, Expositions 12, (Barcelona, 2007), English on pp. 302-03.    

         60. Alexandre Deulofeu, Sant Pere de Roda, its importance, history and art, English, (Editorial Emporitana, Figueras, 1970), pp. 16-17.

            61. Riu-Barrera, (see above, n. 59), p. 307. The original quote about the chamber is in Catalan on p. 46: "Sota seu es trobava un prou gran reconditori, construït en dèposit soterrani i que les recents excavacions han trobat completament esbotzat pels saquejadors." The Spanish translation is on p. 238: "Debajo había un reconditorio de tamaño considerable construido en un depósito subterráneo que fue completamente destrozado por los saqueadores y ha sido encontrado en las excavaciones recientes."    

            62. Immaculada Lorés, El Monestir De Sant Pere De Rodes, (Barcelona, 2002), p. 287. "També es va poder comprovar de l'edifici estigué en ús com a mínim fins al segle XVII..."

            63. Ibid., pp. 19-20. Here an excerpt in Catalan: "Dos murs paral-lels i molt regulars, construïts amb grans carreus rectangulars de granit que constructivament difereixen de la resta de construccions del monastir, delimiten un gran edifici rectangular, de 25 x 7 m, l'aparell del qual va fer pensar que es tractava d'una edificació d'epoca romana (Mataró i Pladelasala 1992: 35, Mataró et al. 1992-1993: 149; Burch et al. 1994: 166; Mataró i Riu i Barrera 1994: 81) "...Del que no se'n pot deduir res és de la seva funció original. De tota manera, la immillorable situatió estratègica de l'indret fa perfectament plausible suposar-hi un emplaçament antic".

            64. Ibid., pp. 22-23. Lorés doesn't quite separate her sources, because Pujades references about a dozen times the chronicle numbered 223, and once as "llamado Registro." It may be a way to hide his plagiarism that de Marca identifies the Speculum Sancti Petri Rodensis as his source. 

            65. Riu-Barrera, (see above, n. 59), p. 96. M. Jaubert de Passa, Recherches historiques et géographiques sur la montagne de Roses et le cap de Creus, (Paris, 1833), pp. 83-84. He credits in his notes P. Vila, Annals de l'Institut Empordanesos, 34, Figueres, 2001, pàg. 159-177. 

            66. Rita Lejeune, The Troubadours, in Loomis, pp. 393-99 (397), Chrétien de Troyes in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: a collaborative history, ed. Roger S. Loomis (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1959), pp. 159-71 (161):

            67. We support the search for the cave because Peter's relics are still missing from his tomb in Rome, as we show in our study. It would be nice if the popes could be humbled some day to stop ruling like emperors and turn their wealth into food for the world something Jesus would do without hesitation.       


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