The Pujades Affair
Jeroni Pujades (1568 - ?1650)
This study questions the consensus that Jeroni Pujades, a prominent Barcelona lawyer and historian, had died in 1635 at the age of 66. The only source is the church register of a small town in Catalonia, listing his funeral on January 7, 1635, which is not confirmed by any other publication, not even in Barcelona. It remains a mystery, therefore, why Pujades made numerous references to the 1640s in the last volume of his Chronicle of Catalonia – even claiming to be "alive today, on January 6, 1645". The date is exactly 10 years after his funeral, when Epiphany is celebrated, which is difficult to dismiss as a coincidence!
However, a son of Pujades wrote that during Catalonia's occupation by France in 1644-52 bishop Pierre de Marca, a representative of king Louis XIV, had taken the manuscripts of his late father "by force of arms" and evicted the family from their home. The works were recovered in France and published 1829-32 in Barcelona. A Catalan historian proposed in 2002 that the volume with the improbable dates is in the handwriting of Francesc Fornés, a Franciscan friar who worked with de Marca and was made bishop of Urgell in 1643. If we consider that de Marca became the archbishop of Toulouse in 1652, such timely rewards suggest a bizarre Baroque plot by Richelieu or a novel Alexandre Dumas could have written.
(updates in progress)
For a better understanding of Baroque practices in the 17th century, and before we investigate these conflicting scenarios, the chain of events that led to 'The Pujades Affair' needs to established: When scholars research the history of Catalonia, they come usually across the Marca Hispanica... , edited by the French scholar Etienne Baluze and published in 1688. Although the core of the work is by bishop Pierre de Marca, a protégé of Richelieu and friend of Mazarin, Baluze had only been his secretary for six years when he inherited his library. This enabled him to edit the work and triple its volume by adding many unique documents . Consequently, the editor is now more celebrated than the author, yet it is widely overlooked that most of the additions were discovered by Pujades . We will show below that Baluze created the impression he had collected these documents himself and dismissed Pujades in the index as "ignorant" (Pujadesii inscitia notadur).
The zeitgeist at the court of Louis XIV and préstige of his employer Jean-Baptiste Colbert allowed Baluze to exploit Pujades because few historians would have noticed that the slanderous remark targeted a colleague from Barcelona. Thanks to John H. Elliott (Oxford), who discovered some diaries of Pujades in the 1950s, the historian is getting some attention as an eyewitness of the political struggle that led to the ill-fated revolt of the Catalans against Spain in 1640. That it was a difficult period for Pujades as well is shown by James S. Amelang, a historian in Madrid: "Symbolizing the pressures placed on Catalan writers was the switch made by the jurist and historian Jeroni Pujades in the later volumes of the Chronicle of Catalonia. After publishing the first tome in Catalan in 1609, Pujades – never one to muffle his strident anti-Castilian sentiments – felt compelled to write the rest of his work in Spanish, for the sake of universal understanding" (See article). Amelang follows Elliott, who mentions the "anti-Castilian bitterness" of Pujades and "warm references" to the young king of France. 
Baluze's slander of Pujades is contradicted by other historians
: Esteve de Corbera  praises him in Cataluña Illustrada (1678) as the first contemporary who "found a way in these difficult times to give us a chronicle of Catalonia... he accomplished this with great care by searching the archives for ancient documents... dedicating a better part of his life to this laudable occupation without any support, public or private, and even opposed by some out of jealousy..." In the same year, the Franciscan historian Joan Gaspar Roig i Jalpí  praises him even more highly: "The Second Part of the chronicle of Dr. Pujades illuminates everything noble about Catalonia, as a whole and in detail, and it is worth more, without comparison, than all the treasures of Venice." In 1821, the Dominican Jaime Villanueva  noted in Viage literarario á las Iglesias de España...: "There isn't a library in Catalonia, large or small, which doesn't have a copy of the Marca Hispanica... but the Second and Third Part of the Chronicle of Catalonia of Dr. Jeroni Pujades, which has many precious documents, remains unpublished for almost two centuries." He goes on to say that Baluze "repaid his benefector with an arrogant comment in the index... to exploit documents in this work and others Pujades had collected during half a century in the archives of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Roussillon, Conflente, etc., and enjoyed them as if he had visited these holy places himself." (See link!)
The accusation reflects the difficulties of travel, which was time-consuming and a physical challenge in those days. Like Villanueva during his Viage, Pujades had to spend days on horseback to reach isolated locations, including the high Pyrenees, whereas Baluze could "enjoy" these discoveries at his desk in Paris. This is a first indication that de Marca was not responsible for the plagiarism of his secretary, but the reputation of Baluze remains unchallenged and Pujades is ignored because a few scholars take certain comments in his diaries literally. Instead of relying on the liberal editors of the Chronicle who praise his "genius, subtleness and erudition" (see below), Amelang quotes from the diaries to characterize Pujades as an over-zealous Roman Catholic with a deep hatred of Protestants and heretics, which makes him seem prejudicial and calls his reliability as a historian into question.
This may be one of the reasons why the Chronicle is rarely referenced today although it follows a well-established Renaissance tradition that aimed to "illustrate" the history of a country . A detailed study of his work would reveal that in addition to celebrating the history and legends of Catalonia, Pujades uses a sophisticated rhetoric to attack Church history – which took some courage during the Spanish Inquisition – and raises the bar for historians as well: he doesn't simply quote and record historical information without questioning the sources and their reliability, as customary at the time, but uses his legal expertise to evaluate the conflicting accounts.
Whenever he introduces new documents, which is often, Pujades addresses both sides of a controversy and if some doubts remain, he defers the judgment to his readers . As a result, some rhetorical claims could be misunderstood if taken out of context, which is most apparent when he resorts to religious exaltation in the flowery Spanish language to keep the Inquisition off his back. Because the Catalans are used to the above-mentioned subtleties, they would have noticed that the satire of Baroque customs was inspired by Miguel de Cervantes. Pujades raises also the bar with an index of almost 200 published sources for Part One (1609), and with references in the text and at the margins. This was rare at the time, especially when compared with Francisco Diago, a Dominican historian and inquisitor whom he challenges regularly. In dealing with the legends of Montserrat, for example, Pujades contradicts not only Diago, but also the "badly informed" Antonio de Yepes , an official chronicler of the Benedictines. Pujades was also the first to debunk a legend about Guifré el Pilos – who is celebrated as the founding father of Catalonia – which claims he was raised in far-away Flanders and married a daughter of its counts. Without crediting Pujades, modern historians exposed this legend four centuries later as a forgery by an erudite churchman .
Perhaps, the critics of Pujades, who base their evaluations solely on the diaries, should at least honor the courage of their colleague by addressing some of the open questions: Why did the Spanish continuation of the Chronicle disappear for two centuries? Did Pierre de Marca really take it by "force of arms" as claimed by his descendants?  Only the diaries of 1601-1610 and 1621-1630 seem to exist, but would a passionate chronicler leave such gaps? Did Pujades capture the zeitgeist of Catalonia like an eyewitness with a publication of his diaries in mind, or did he reveal his private thoughts? And why should we rely on an obituary about his death in 1635 if there is overwhelming evidence that he was still alive in the 1640s?
The above questions require the kind of detective work few historians are willing to risk because no one wants to recall the darkest period in Catalan history – and because they could be accused of sensationalism. It's much easier to maintain that Pujades died in 1635 than having to explain why anyone would want to claim he survived for over a decade. They would have to bring up that his anti-Castilian position could have been regarded as high treason, and that he had "mortal enemies" according to Miquel Pujol i Canelles . Then there is the obstacle that the Bollandists (Jesuits) and Maurists (Benedictines) copied his research methods and are now among the leading authorities on the Middle Ages because of their vast resources . If this is considered, only an independent study of the Chronicle could determine if Pujades had valid reasons to contradict so many church historians, and if his findings have since been corrected for political reasons. Here is the most controversial example from the 1609 edition in Catalan, which is a rare language and seems to have been overlooked by most international scholars:
In the early 1600s, during a visit of Sant Pere de Rodes, a Benedictine monastery in the Pyrenees, Pujades discovered a Latin chronicle  which claims the monastery was built over a cave where Roman clergymen had hidden important relics in the 7th century, including the skull and crossbones of St Peter and a cup with the blood of Christ. Although Pujades doesn't refer to legends of the Fisherking and Holy Grail verbatim, he uses a sophisticated rhetoric to expose an elaborate cover-up, as we will show below.
This discovery could be the reason why the Spanish version of his Chronicle remained unpublished for so long. After their first disappearance, the manuscripts turned up in the library of the archbishop of Rouen in 1696 who informed Pau Ignasi de Dalmases i Ros, a Catalan aristocrat and scholar, and invited him to review them. Dalmases wrote a summary of the Chronicle during his visit in 1700 and recommended it to his peers in Barcelona. Josep Taberner i d'Ardena, the bishop of Girona and a fellow scholar, was owed some favors at the court of Louis XIV and could get some copies made in 1720, which disappeared again. 
The above-mentioned Jaime Villanueva claims that Pujades handed his original manuscripts to Pierre de Marca , which would reflect his "anti-Castilian bitterness" and the history of the period: After their revolt in 1640, the Catalans proclaimed Louis XIII as "count of Barcelona" and gained independence from Spain – and the Vatican. Villanueva may have had inside information because he found the copies of the Chronicle in the library of Taberner's pro-French descendants  in the early 1800s, which made it possible to get them published. It turned out, however, that the Parisian scribe did not understand Spanish and his copies had so many errors that a major revision had to be made by its editors Fèlix Torres Amat, Albert Pujol and Pròsper de Bofarull, an erudite team of scholars, see link.
After being lost for almost two hundred years, the work was finally published in Barcelona under the title Crónica Universal del Principado de Cataluña in eight volumes between 1829 and 1832. The editors had the support of the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona and, like Dalmases, were sympathetic to his ideas and intimately acquainted with Catalan zeitgeist and history. They seem to have made sure the censure had no linear access, because they published volumes I and V in 1829, vol. VI in 1830, volumes II, III, VII in 1831, vol. VIII in August and IV in December of 1832.
The editors introduce in vol. VII the newly discovered church register that lists the funeral of Pujades on January 7, 1635, and add that his son claims Pierre de Marca had robbed the manuscripts and documents "by force of arms" from his widowed mother. The French bishop had allegedly ordered his soldiers to evict the family and close down the house . Nevertheless, the editors felt obliged to contradict this plot by proposing that Pujades may have been alive in the 1640s because he refers to notes and documents (flósculos) he has in Paris, and which suggests he has a friendly relationship with the French bishop. In the forword of vol. IV, which was published last, the editors identify their own contact in Paris: Joseph Tastu who had published satirical journals against the French court in his youth and became a noted scholar and printer (see short bio and detailed bio, both in French). He was a liberal like the editors and a Catalan from Perpignan who lived in Paris. When his print shop went bankrupt, Torres Amat recommended him to the academies in Spain and invited him to collaborate on the Memorias. He also got him to review the manuscripts of Pujades in Paris and correct some errors, which he intended to publish as volume IX.
2. Why should it matter when Pujades died?
If he died in 1635, which is accepted by all historians today, the forewords, first two chapters of the Chronicle (Esp. 117) and entire last part (Esp. 120) would be forgeries, which no one addresses! Consequently, the Catalans can accuse a French bishop of "robbing" priceless documents from their churches and monasteries, rather than one of their own. They apparently fail to consider that they were saved from disappearing in the Vatican Archives and why so many churchmen were involved in the "Pujades Affair", either in his support or in opposition. Over 25% of the Chronicle's subscribers were churchmen, including two abbots of Montserrat and the archbishop of Tarragona.
Although it is difficult to determine if the Church was involved in the fate of Pujades, because his findings dispute its official position, we have to begin with the problem that the published information offers a choice of two scenarios:
a) The plagiarism of Pierre de Marca
The notice of the funeral on January 7, 1635, supports the claim that the French bishop took the manuscripts of Pujades by "force of arms" from his widow. It would have been in 1644 -1651, when he was "Visitador general" for the king of France in Catalonia. In the following ten years, the protégé of Richelieu had quite a career: he became archbishop of Toulouse and minister of State, and so influential at the French court that he almost succeeded his friend Mazarin as cardinal. But Louis XIV decided to rule alone and made him (only) archbishop of Paris in 1662, the year of his death.
b) The survival of Jeroni Pujades
When the editors address the funeral, they give the Baroque plot a new twist: They point out that "as if it were from his own mouth" Pujades had written "I'm alive today on January 6, 1645" (vol. VII, p. 349). The day is not only celebrated by the Church as "revelation" (Epiphany), but it is 10 years after his death – which is quite a message! It confirms Villanueva that Pujades handed his manuscripts to de Marca after 1635, and is supported by the Catalan Diccionari Biografic and some French and Italian biographies that maintain he died "near 1650" .
These scenarios raise an important point: We have solid proof of a cover-up because only one version can be true and would expose the other as a forgery. But which one? Pujades disputes his death on the day of "revelation" exactly ten years later, which is difficult to dismiss as a coincidence. Furthermore, it validates the entry in the church register because a funeral is usually a day after death in Catalonia. When we explore the esoteric side of Pujades, we will show that the Pythagorean 10 supports a revelation on the "Day of the Wisemen."
3. New perspectives from Barcelona
In April, 2011, the Barcelona conference Jeroni Pujades i el seu temps ended two centuries of silence and finally bestowed some honors on Pujades. The previous time the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona praised his work was in the early 19th century when it recommended it as "an ancient codex with rare and important information, like a rich mine... for the benefit of history" . This ended a century of silence after the academy had been known as Acadèmia dels Desconfiats (Academy of the Distrustful). One of its founders was the above mentioned Dalmases, the scholar who had studied the lost Chronicle in Rouen and communicated to his peers how highly he thought of Pujades. These endorsements are an important legacy most modern historians seem to ignore!
One of the organizers of the Barcelona event was Eulàlia Miralles, she talked about the "posteritat" of Pujades, and James Amelang about "el dietari", the diaries of Pujades. Until their papers become available, we can only hope they had the courage to bring up Pierre de Marca and that Pujades may have survived his "funeral" in 1635. Although they are the leading experts, they probably avoided this controversy by following Marc Mayer (p. 220), one of the guest speakers, who suggested that Josep, the son of Pujades, may have handed the manuscripts to de Marca in 1651 .
Antoni Cobos and Joaquim Tremoleda presented a paper about Pujades i Sant Pere de Rodes and if they have done their homework would have featured his greatest discovery at the monastery: the above-mentioned Latin chronicle 223. Hence, we await with curiosity if this group of experts shared the enthusiasm of Dalmases, or if they were merely in town to recycle old ideas and enjoy world-famous Catalan cuisine. If the conference was not the overdue vindication of Pujades, and only business as usual, some erudite Catalans will hopefully revive the Acadèmia dels Desconfiats – but this time on the internet!
Update: In 2015, a Catalan scholar provided kindly a link where these articles can be found:
We could check some of them and the experts did indeed recycle their old ideas and covered none of the controversial subjects we point out. However, this can be challenged by their students who can google "Jeroni Pujades" on the internet where all relevant information is available. Because of what happened in Barcelona, or didn't, John H. Elliott remains the leading authority of the "Revolt of the Catalans" and he praises Pujades as a "famous antiquarian and historian" and author of the "celebrated Corónica Universal del Principat the Cathalunya" . Then there is Angela Serrano who proposed in 1988 that the Catalan aristocrat Josep Margarit is falsely characterized by prominent historians like Sanabre and Soldevila as a "mal catala" (bad Catalan) and confused terrorist. Following Josep Pella i Forgas, she disputes their claims and tries to restore his reputation as a patriot. She writes that Margarit was sent to Paris in 1641 where "he so impressed Louis XIII, Anne of Austria and Richelieu, that they made him general or governor of Catalonia" (p. 218). She points out that Margarit was a "gran amic" (great friend) of Pierre de Marca (p. 219), and ends with Pella who saw Margarit as a true hero and "exemplary individual with a fanatical love for Cataluña." She doesn't mention Pujades, who would have been another great friend, but shows eloquently why some Catalans were pro-French at the time.
The dream of Catalan independence from Spain seemed apparently too fragile at the time to consider our "Pujades Affair." Why else did Eulàlia Miralles fail to bring up at the conference she had studied the manuscripts of Pujades at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF) in 2002 and made important discoveries? She had found out that the prologues and first two chapters of ms. 117 and the entire 120 with references to the 1640s are not written by Pujades, but by the Franciscan historian Francesc Fornés, who signed the prologue of the translator. She points out that he added notes to the other manuscripts, like an editor, and improved the flawed Spanish of Pujades (p. 230), and that Fornés belonged to a "pro-French nucleus... of historians and erudite Catalans who were under the protection of Pierre de Marca." (p. 231). This news is a major break-through for our study because Fornés is the missing link between de Marca and Pujades, which would support Villanueva's account of their friendly relationship – but it was probably too controversial for the Barcelona conference!
4. Was Pujades murdered in 1635?
It is difficult to understand why over a decade has passed since the discoveries of Miralles were published, including her additional research about Pujades , yet she and her peers continue to maintain that Pujades died in 1635. They seem to ignore that he was a "famous historian" (Elliott) and that there are no records of his death in Barcelona, Figueres or Castelló d'Empúries, only a brief notice in a church register. Nevertheless, as long as his peers maintain he died in 1635 they are accepting every reference to the 1640s in the Crónica as a forgery by Fornés. However, these claims are not limited to dates, which could be dismissed as scribal errors, but include references that challenge the reader to figure out their meaning and calculate the dates, as we will show below. If this elaborate scheme is dismissed as a forgery, it means that the eloquent disciple of St Francis de Paola violated every rule of his order. Although little is known about his vita, Miralles found proof that Fornés could have been bribed – although she refrains from making the accusation – because he was nominated by Louis XIII in 1643 as Bishop of Urgell. She refers in footnote 29 (p. 231) to a letter de Marca had written to Tellier in 1645 with the request that two-hundred fifty escudos are sent to Fornés as down-payment for a pension the king had granted him as bishop of Urgell.
The complexity and size of the forged manuscripts and the large payment to Fornés implies that a major crime was committed and covered up, which might be another reason why historians ignore it. However, if Pujades had really died of natural causes in 1635, why would de Marca bribe a Franciscan in 1643 to pretend he survived his funeral and let him include the message "I'm alive today on January 6, 1645"? Only conspiracy theorists would be able to maintain Pujades died in 1635! They would have to explain why de Marca, a former protégé of Richelieu and friend of Mazaran, wasn't smart enough to hire a versatile scribe to imitate the handwriting of Pujades. And finally, they would have to come up with a good reason why Fornés was allowed to add his signature, and why it was crossed out later!
5. The manuscripts at the BnF
In the early 1980s, when we first examined the Crónica in Paris, the manuscripts were in an excellent condition and seemed untouched since 1875, when they were rebound and the pages numbered, as stated on the first page of each volume. They have greatly deteriorated since because of improper handling and their conversion to microfilm. The first volume (Esp. 117) is virtually falling appart and a consultation of the microfilm is mandatory. Checking the orginal requires the permission of a senior librarian, which is necessary because the signature of Fornés is blocked out by a dark rectangle on the microfilm.
The sample below is not a photocopy, but a sketch by this writer in 1989, long
before Miralles identified Fornés (p. 264).
It was impossible to decipher "Fray Francisco Fornés" and "Indigno fray menor" as long as the answer was unknown, but our sketch confirms it. Decades later, in 2017, scholars need no longer rely on inferior copies or sketches, but are allowed to photograph the documents at the BnF or purchase digital scans. Here's a photo of the crossed-out signature, which we tried to make more visible by adjusting the contrast:
That Fornés penned the introductions and two chapters of Esp. 117, as well as the entire Esp. 120, would support the conjecture that beginning and end of the Crónicawere replaced by a forger, but wouldn't his signature eliminate such an adventurous conclusion?
Miralles (p. 229) points out that Pujades "wrote always" one column on the left side of a page to leave room for comments and illustrations on the right half, which reveals she didn't have access to Esp. 119 where Pujades started using 3/4 of the page with less room for dates and comments. The scan of the page shows that Pujades renamed the Spanish
versionCORONICA GENERAL DE CATALUÑA
and himself Geronymo Pujadas, which Miralles doesn't seem to have noticed. But she would have addressed the added headline "Jhs Maria Francisco", which uses the Christogram iota-eta-sigma (IΗΣ) from the first three letters of the Greek name of Jesus. The
re used to be a Franciscan convent by the name of Jesús Maria in Barcelona, which indicates the manuscripts could have been deposited there. The headline takes up so much space that Reg 10010 and Baluze 170 was probably added later at the upper margin. Open remains the question whether the red stamp of the Bibliothèque Royale pertains to the former or latter registry? Because the "fonds Baluze" were established after the scholar's death in the early 18th century, the 10010 could identify the library of the archbishop of Rouen, another controversy we'll address at the end of this article.
6. An unsolved mystery of Esp. 119
That Miralles had limited access is also revealed by her comment in footnote 19 (p. 229) that "another hand, French and posterior, added some notes to ms. Esp. 119, f. 409-471." Had she seen those pages, she would have mentioned that starting with book XII, chapter one (Barcelona edition, vol. VI, p. 320), another scribe penned the next 28 chapters. They are the highlights of the history of Catalonia because they cover the last years of Guifré el Pilos, the celebrated founding father of Catalonia, including his patronage of Santa Maria de Ripoll, and the history and legends of Montserrat, which Pujades introduces with the passion of a poet because it is so revered by the Catalans. He never forgets that he is a legal expert and backs up his "illustrations" with the forged legends of Guifré el Pilos to connect them to the forged legends of Montserrat. During his rhetorical arguments, some covert others openly, Pujades debunks the claims of Francisco Diago and the "badly informed" Antonio de Yepes (pp. 384-388), and continues with Montserrat until the end of chap. 28 (p. 418) – and all in the hand of an anonymous scribe.
Although we had assumed Fornés penned these chapters, because of similarities in the style, we compared the handwriting of the manuscripts again in early 2011 and concluded that these chapters are probably not by Fornés, unless he was much younger at the time. (See samples!) The scribe uses such a fluid style that he was obviously copying some drafts. In fact, we can document with the detail at left that Pujades did not dictate everything: In the beginning of chapter 29, p. 472, (Barcelona, p. 419), the scribe stops in the second line after "des del año 885. Reynaba en Francia Carlos Crasso...” and Pujades continues in mid-sentence with “poseyendo aquellos estados por lo menos
des del añohasta al año...”, and keeps on writing until the end of the volume.
You can click on the above detail to see more of the page! It shows the scribe above and Pujades below and, as customary at the time, both use often an s that looks like an f. The difference is most noticeable after the above 885 with 'Reynaba..," which is ornamental and not as simple as the 'des', 'del' and 'movido de' of Pujades. The interaction is documented like a scene in a play because when the scribe hesitates, Pujades seems to grab the pen and makes a mistake he has to scratch out. As soon as he continues, he runs out of ink which indicates there could have been an interruption or argument. Similar corrections continue on the next page with paper swatches glued to the page, which is a sign Pujades may not have fully recovered. Two explanations come to mind why Pujades may have been upset: He either didn't know the scribe had completed his "illustration" of Montserrat, which he had been looking forward to, or he disagreed with the scribe's changes. Without knowledge of the change of hands, the editors of the Barcelona edition sided with Pujades and rephrased the portion of the scribe with: "...desde el año ochocientos ochenta y cinco reinabia in Francia el emperador Cárlos craso...", but left the continuation of Pujades unchanged: "... poseyendo aquellos estados por lo menos hasta el año..."
Pujades completes the volume himself, but the inserted 28 chapters indicate there was a period he was unable to write and had to use a scribe. Furthermore, the continuation in mid-sentence offers several explanations: 1. It may show that Pujades had suddenly entered the room. 2. The scribe was not up to the task and a better scribe had to be found if Pujades was unable to supervise at all times. 3. This opens the door for Fornés, who was a historian himself! Furthermore, the decision of Pujades to use the whole page indicates that he had to reduce the size of the manuscript, because the last volume, Esp. 120, has crease marks, which indicates it had to be concealed. The sketch at right was made in 1989 at the BnF and shows from above how two pages are connected in the middle and then folded in half. Because the four manuscripts are quite voluminous, only a couple of short chapters can be folded at a time, which implies they had to be transported in a clandestine manner .
7. Evidence for a fake funeral
Before we enter the Baroque maze deeper than most scholars are willing to risk, we need to visit the town where Pujades allegedly died and address his obituary. The editors of the Crónica had to rely on a certified, hand-written copy, dated August 23, 1831, which they translated from Catalan to Spanish . Two hundred years later, it is faily simple to get a scan of the document, which is archived in Girona. Here is the whole page and a detail of the obituary, both with the contrast enhanced because of water damage. The few lines state that on January 7, 1635, the corpse of Pujades, a doctor of law, was buried. He had received the final sacraments during an illness, was lying in state at the above church Santa Maria and taken to Sant Francesc for burial. Each chaplain was paid two sueldos and the rector four.
We visited Girona in May, 2017, to double-check the obituaries and must confirm that it is a valid church register. That there is no date of death is not relevant, according to the librarian, because funerals were always conducted a day after death. Hence, if we are correct in assuming that Pujades may have staged his own funeral it would make sense if he chose January 6, Epiphany, the day of the Wisemen.
Father Miquel Pujol i Canelles (1927-2011) was a philologist, medievalist, and the rector of the church in Vilafant at the outskirts of Figueres where the ancestors of Pujades resided for generations . In addition to Miralles, Pujol is the most important informant for this article because he compiled a detailed "Aportació a la biografia de Jeroni Pujades...", which can be downloaded here. Pujol hoped to contribute to a better understanding of this "extraordinary figure" with a homage to the "great personage Jeroni Pujades." His familiarity with the local customs allowed him to correct Josep Maria Casas Homs (1894-1979) who edited the diaries and assumes Pujades was interred at Santa Maria where the funeral is registered (p. 117). This error may have been another reason why no one suspects a cover-up, although Pujol points out that after an abuse by some Franciscans it was mandatory since 1618 (p. 148) that a corpse had to lie in state at the parish church Santa Maria before any burial at another location. To show that the enforcement was pro forma and not a public ceremony, Pujol emphasizes that Pujades was taken to Santa Maria and transferred "immediately" to his family crypt at the Franciscan monastery outside the city's walls (p. 160).
Pujol researched the archives in Girona and discovered the testament of Pujades, notarized Oct. 20, 1634, and the inventory of his possessions, notarized Jan. 27, 1635 (p.152). These are specific dates, including his funeral on January 7, 1635, yet there are no other records of his death! This is difficult to explain because Pujades was a prominent personage in Barcelona where he got married in 1592, taught canon law at the University, and ran a successful law practice. In addition to private clients, he represented the city council, several universities and monasteries. He became a judge at the Appellate Court in 1603 and was retained by the city as a consultant for many "delicate cases." Pujol writes (p. 154) that he travelled much in the region, even across the Pyrenees to resolve a case of espionage for the French, which enhanced his reputation. Nevertheless, Pujades changed his life in 1604 when he accepted the position of assessor and general commissioner for Joana of Aragon, Duchess of Cardona, and countess of Empúries, and moved with his wife and children to Castelló d'Empúries (p. 157). His father, a prominent attorney in Barcelona, was born in nearby Figueres, and this took him back to where this ancestors resided for centuries. After only two years in Castelló, however, his wife of fourteen years died in 1606 and he married Salvadora a year later, a Castilian lady half his age.
When the duchess died in 1608, Pujades returned with his family to Barcelona to continue his law practice, get the first part of his Crónica published, and share with his wife the "cosmopolitan lifestyle of the big city" (p. 158). According to Pujol, he handled religious matters for the Church, political cases for representatives of the Spanish Viceroy, even for the Shah of Persia, and the usual quarrels among nobles (p. 159). But after 14 years, he accepted the position of "general assessor" of Empúries at the fortress of Roses in 1623, which took him back to the land of his ancestors. Pujol does not mention that this change gave Pujades more time to work on the Crónica and features instead the many uncles, nieces and cousins that lived in the county (p. 153) – as if he wanted to show that the death and funeral of such an "illustrious personage" (p. 152) should have been documented somewhere!
8. A Franciscan connection
Thanks to the research of Angela Serrano and Eulàlia Miralles we learned about a nucleus of pro-French Catalans during the revolt against Spain that included Margarit, de Marca and Fornés. The latter penned the controversial parts of the Crónica which would be a forgery if Pujades had died in 1635. However, one of the first to write that a continuation of the Crónica existed was the Franciscan friar Joan Roig i Jalpí in 1678. He wrote in the foreword of his Resumen... that the work is in French hands, see scan of page, which reveals that he had read it because he praises it as "worth more, without comparison... than all the treasures of Venice." Roig was born in 1624 and therefore only eleven in 1635 like the son of Pujades, which suggests he either met the historian in the 1640s or had access to the manuscripts through de Marca or Fornés, making him the last to publish first-hand information. He was from the coastal town Blanes and shares the name 'Roig' with the first wife of Pujades from nearby Mataro, which is the subject of one of his works and suggests they may have been related. Of equal interest is the name 'Jalpi' which he shares with his cousin Josep de Jalpí i Juliá, the illustrious prior of Santa Maria de Meià. The prior's relationship with Pujades will be covered below, including employment of his cousin to write a book about the priory. Friar Joan became later its official 'examinador sinodal' for Girona and Barcelona and 'provincial' of the Franciscans of Paola in Catalonia . This closes the circle because it shows that the Minim friars had inside information about "The Pujades Affair" from the start.
According to Pujol (pp. 147, 163-64) Pujades embraced the "Franciscan sprit" and became a lay member of the Third Rule, which is documented in a new will he made a few weeks before his alleged death (see scan of first page). He requested the usual Franciscan burial without vanity and superficial pomp, to be dressed like an undignified Franciscan friar and buried in a simple coffin as poor as a pauper. However, Pujades stipulated "expressly" that no mass of any kind is permitted, and that neither his name nor coat of arms is displayed anywhere. These requests, which were obviously fulfilled, support our conjecture that the coffin was empty and that there was neither a procession nor a public funeral.
In view of Pujol's comprehensive research, a scenario comes to mind that Fornés could have easily arranged with the help of a few friars: January 7, 1635 was on Sunday, a day after Epiphany, which is celebrated as Festa de Reyes for the children of the parish. The rector of Santa Maria had therefore a busy weekend and was easily persuaded to "simplify matters" in the Franciscan spirit and look the other way, especially if he was a friend of Pujades and got paid well, as recorded in the register. Consequently, an empty coffin could have been deposited pro forma in the parish church of Castelló d'Empúries, and taken "immediately" (Pujol) to the monastery outside the city walls. It was simply deposited in his family crypt inside the church, after which the walls were sealed as customary to this day!
This raises an interesting question: Would the Franciscans desecrate such a holy place with the Baroque farce of a fake funeral? If we check with Pujol (p.164), it seems he anticipated our question because he writes that the family crypt of Pujades in Castelló was empty at the time. All remains had been transferred to the Franciscan convent Sant Nicolau in Barcelona, where his parents were entombed. Hence, any Franciscan would have supported such a well-organized plot to save a human life and wouldn't regard it as a sacrilege to put an empty coffin into an empty crypt. Something we can no longer prove because, according to Pujol (p.114), the monastery and church were destroyed in 1822, shortly before the Crónica was published. His source is the historian Francesc Monsalvatge i Fosas (1853 - 1917) whose account is quite intriguing because he quotes from an informant that "the bones of Pujades and his tombstone" were singled out by an "illustrious personage" and "thrown into a moat" (see link). More research is necessary, because the Spanish government disowned monasteries with less than twelve monks by "Royal Decret" of July, 1836" and vacant properties were auctioned off, including the ruins of San Francesc. It is mentioned that some were purchased by treasure hunters, which thickens the Baroque plot.
In addition to the last will of Pujades, the amazing Father Pujol published the probated list of his belongings, including the library, and made it available on-line a few years before his own death. That the Crónica and its documents is not mentioned in the testament and inventory is solid evidence for our conjectures, which Pujol (p. 199) supports by speculating they may have been delivered to Pierre de Marca, which he sees as an open question that is still pending! Doesn't this surprising admission prove he questions the obituary? He even points out that some books are missing from the inventory, even Don Quixote, which suggests that Pujades took some of his favorite books along when he went into hiding.
Thanks to the noted historian Luis R. Corteguera, who is the leading expert on the social aspects of the Catalan revolt, Pujol's open question has finally been answered: One of the oldest editions of the legend "Relació del cas d'en Pere Porter..." is at the BnF in Paris and has some marginal notes from Pujades, which Corteguera discovered and discusses in detail . The fact that it is registered under Baluze is therefore proof that he inherited this book after the death of Pierre de Marca in 1662. Because it is a popular legend in Catalonia about a peasant who claims to have visited hell, it's the kind of document the bishop would not take "by force of arms" from the widow of Pujades. It supports our conjecture that de Marca arranged for Pujades to keep some of his favorite books after the staged funeral. If the missing diaries show up as well, they might even reveal that Pujades and de Marca had been friends for decades because they were both doctors of canon and civil law and shared a passion for history. According to the Online Ecyclopedia "...in 1617, at the age of twenty-three, he (i.e. de Marca) had set to work looking through archives, copying charters, and corresponding with the principal men of learning of his time..." Gaquère writes that de Marca started his "Histoire de Béarn" in 1617 and completed it in 1633. Although it has been said that he plagiarized the Catalan edition of the Crónica, a personal contact would also be plausible! This would solve a problem of our conjecture, because there is no evidence that de Marca was in Catalonia to arrange the "funeral" in 1635. It seems that the simple solution of a fake funeral would make a lot more sense than an elaborate Baroque plot of forged volumes that casts a French bishop as the villain who had Pujades murdered and corrupted a Franciscan friar to become his accomplice.
We should also note that the Franciscan Roig i Jalpi praised "the illustrious and magnificent Señor Archbishop of Paris, Pierre de Marca... great investigator of antiquities and one of the most esteemed geographers of his time", a decade before the Marca Hispanica was published by Baluze . He was also the first to accuse Baluze of plagiarism, to have read the continuation of the Crónica, and write that the archbishop took it to France. This was published in 1678 and is persuasive evidence for a "Franciscan connection" in support of Pujades. Miralles collected some information about Fornés and localizes him in 1632 in Catalonia when Pujades was definitely alive, and in Paris between 1642 and 1643, when Louis XIII made him bishop of Urgell. He was back in Catalonia in 1645 and preached a sermon in Barcelona on January 12, 1646, in which he praised French Gallicanism as promoted by de Marca. Hence, he could have worked with Pujades from 1632 until 1646.
9. An important second opinion
As we explore this Baroque maze, an investigation of the death of Pujades would have to include the most qualified experts, the scholars who edited his works two centuries ago, right between Pujades and our era: Fèlix Torres Amat, Albert Pujol, and Pròsper de Bofarull. They had full support of the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona, knew every word Pujades has written and everything that was written about him. Like Dalmases, they were sympathetic to his esoteric concept and intimately acquainted with Catalan zeitgeist and history. They seem to have made sure the censure would not have linear access and held back the controversial volumes, as shown above. It is probably not a coincidence that Torres Amat, the leader of the team, began his retirement in 1831, which could explain the change of position by the anonymous author of the foreword in vol. VIII, which followed in 1832.
That the editors suspected that Pujades survived his funeral in 1635 is somewhat implied in the "Memorias..." of Torres Amat. The extensive biography of Pujades (pp. 509-515) follows his praise in the Crónica very closely, yet the scholar admits on the first page:
"No he podido averguar de fijo el dia ni año en que murió..."
("I could neither establish conclusively the day nor year he died", p. 509)
The Memorias were published in 1836, five years after vol. VII of the Crónica with the obituary, yet Torres Amat  limits himself to this disclaimer and neither includes the date of the funeral nor the alleged pro-Castilian views of Pujades as claimed in the foreword of vol. VIII in 1632. We should keep in mind that Torres had the support of the Catalan scholar Josep Tastu in Paris, who contributed to the Memorias and double-checked for him the Crónica at the Bibliothèque Royale. Critics might argue that his retirement prevented Torres Amat from making corrections, but he became Bishop of Astorga in 1834 and could have revised his views because he spent years with the Crónica and deeply involved with all aspects of the controversy. He had even adapted the rhetorical style of Pujades and suggested, among other things, that he phrased one of his claims in flawed Spanish as if coming "from his own mouth." The unique idea that Pujades had found a way to speak to his readers from the grave will be the subject of our final arguments!
The editors were not only important academics in Spain, but also liberals like Villanueva, who had to flee to England and spend the rest of his life there. If we consider that the Crónica was censured and required a royal license, we probably owe it to their sophistication and connections that it could be published in the first place. Pujades exposed controversies and included many esoteric messages that only a publication in a country like France would have been possible in the early 1600s. Two hundred years later, the editors were able to solve these problems rhetorically, like Pujades, and honor him by always addressing both sides of a controversy, even in 1831 when they introduced the obituary. They question its relevance by pointing out that Pujades refers repeatedly to some curious notes or sources he has in Paris: ...ut habes in flósculo meo primo, o secundo, ut habes in flósculo meo Parisiensi, etc. which they find difficult to explain. They speculate that if these notes were already in Paris during his lifetime, Pujades had a friend there who "could have been the archbishop of Paris..." (vol. 5, p. III). They avoid mentioning his name but imply de Marca's support while Pujades was alive, which is confirmed by Villanueva's account and would explain why the Crónica is not mentioned in the will. The editors write that the flósculo are at the BnF in Paris and also registered under Baluze (mss. 234, 238, 239). It remains to be seen if the list is complete, because Jesús Villanueva Lopéz claims, following Abadal, that only one document from these particular flósculo is used in the Marca Hispanica . But, according to the editors, they were "flósculo ó documentos antiguos" which could include all Catalan documents from Pujades and de Marca, including the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium, which is also registered under Baluze.
10. The mental world of Pujades
Before we look at the hidden messages of Pujades a disturbing fact needs to be addressed that could eliminate his competence as an unbiased historian. We have mentioned earlier that Pujades is described as an "an over-zealous Roman catholic with a deep hatred of Protestants and heretics", but the actual critique is even more severe: According to Amelang, the diaries of Pujades reveal his "xenophobia" and that he was a "fervent Catholic" who followed traditional religious practices like "the veneration of relics and saints". Furthermore, his "remarks on religious matters betray a militant and highly defensive awareness of being engaged in an endless battle against heresy", and show he was "obedient to the apostolic Catholic Roman see – an attitude which explains his (rare) expression of delight when he heard of a massacre of Huguenots in southern France in 1611." Amelang concludes: "It is perhaps this, the dark side of Pujades for the modern reader, that best testifies to his role as a spokesman for his times and for a mental world most would regard as better left behind." 
This is devastating news for aficionados of the Crónica, and especially for our 'Pujades Affair', because it means that "ignorant" (Baluze) and "prejudicial" (Amelang) are valid characterizations of Pujades, and are actually putting it kindly! Because the author of the Crónica is such a different person, any attempt to vindicate Pujades should start with a contemporary of Amelang, the historian and priest Miquel Pujol whom we cited above. He hopes his research "can serve as an homage to the great personage Jeroni Pujades and contribute to a better understanding of this extraordinary figure". Pujol describes him as "definitely a humanist" and emphasizes that it can only be said from the point of view of the diaries that the comments of Pujades are "marked by a religiosity of superstitious and naive beliefs" . Later, when Pujol reconstructs the impressive library (pp.175-215) he notes that "the intellectual curiosity of our jurist is really impressive", and that Pujades expresses in the diaries "a deep faith, sincerity, and openess that is rather strange for a man of such high culture" (p.193). Coming from an erudite priest this is persuasive evidence that Pujades narrated his diaries and the Crónica from different points of views! The most dramatic example pertains to the birth of Christ, not baptism, which Pujades describes as "VENINT novament en lo mon Christo nostre Senyor" in the Catalan edition, which he translated in Esp 118, p.1 into Spanish as "Viviendo nuevamente en el Mundo Jesus Christo nuestro Senior." In the Barcelona edition, the editors buried the beginning of Esp 118 in vol. II (p. 262) and replaced the controversial "rebirth" of Jesus with a traditional interpretation.
We have also shown that Pujades liked to emulate the satirical style of Miguel de Cervantes with passionate, religious outbursts. This was apparently part of his rhetorical concept to keep inquisitors off his back, yet entertained the Catalans because they knew it was over the top. Like Shakespeare, Johannes Kepler was a contemporary of Pujades who writes that some things can not be said openly because of the "suffocating" power of the church in the "unfortunate" age he has to live in . The Baroque era was marked by religious conflicts and "declarations of faith" were expected by everyone in their manuscripts, even by scientists like Kepler and Newton. We tend to forget that all scholars studied rhetoric and that Pujades may have used his diaries to report the zeitgeist from the point of view of a fervent Catholic, which gets unintentional support from Amelang who labels him a "spokesman" and notes the "unbiographical" character of his diaries.
Aficionados of the Crónica can confirm that aside from the usual declarations of faith and satirical phrases, Pujades was never the "fervent" supporter of the "apostolic Catholic Roman see" the diaries seem to suggest. He had no high regard for Church historians and attacked them regularly in the Crónica, and even displayed a Catalan version of French Gallicanism by criticizing Rome and Madrid when Catalan abbots and monks were replaced by Italians and Spaniards. This is definitely not the "xenophobia" Amelang had noticed or the liberal editors of the Barcelona editions would have surely pointed it out! What they do say, repeatedly, is that we must understand the difficult period in which the "wise" and "indefatigable chronicler" had to do his work – which implies he could not express himself openly. In vol. VII, p. 28, the editors mention in a footnote that he admired "la mania del Heroe del inmortal Cervantes, coetano de nuestro Cronista" and Pujol notes that Pujades refers to Cervantes in vol. V (p. 215). When the editors praise the "genius, subtleness and erudition of the chronicler" (see below) in another footnote, it fully contradicts his over-zealous expressions in the diaries.
Hence, before modern historians judge a peer of four hundred years ago, and base it on the diaries because they don't have time to study the Crónica, they should at least review the evaluation of Pujol, who made a clear distinction between the diarist and chronicler! But if a local historian and priest is not prestigious enough for an academic vindication of Pujades, as enlightnened as he was, it would be well-advised to consider the opinion of the liberal editors of his works. Their evidence suggests that Pujades had the ingenious idea to play the "devil's advocate" for the Baroque zeitgeist in his diaries to document the most tragic period in Catalan history! This is why we propose, following Amelang, that Pujades presented the official "dark side" like a journalist in his diaries, which most Catalans regard "as better left behind", and used the Crónica to express his enlightened views as a humanist and, and with the full support of his editors found a way to add a hermetic 'time capsule' to preserve his liberal side for posterity.
11. Did Pujades "cheat the devil"?
"The mental world of Pujades" which we used above is borrowed from Amelang because Pujades inhabited a complex, Baroque world in which even the etiquette restricted free speech. This remains an obstacle for most historians today because their academic discipline is rather "forensic" and almost exclusively based on the examination of facts. When they read an obituary they have no other options, it closes the subject. Scientists, on the other hand, have the freedom to be creative, which is why Einstein went beyond Nietsche when he proposed "imagination is more important than knowledge". Only this kind of interdisciplinary approach makes it possible to explore the complex mind of Pujades, and especially his references to the 1640s, which are packed with hidden messages about his life and death. They stand out because such trivia has no place in a historical work, not even in a Baroque "illustration" of Catalonia, as it turns serious historians off who can't consider that it is a rhetorical tool. Besides, they would have to accuse two bishops, de Marca and Fornés, of having invented the "time capsule" as part of a voluminous forgery, which they don't dare bring up as their own reputation could be at stake!
The first example is offered in vol. VII, p. 125, when Pujades refers to his confirmation as a child on Monday, April 26, 1574. It occurred at the church Nuestra Señora del Pino (in Catalan "del Pi" π) of which he says "it was built in 970, making it over 670 years old". The calculation takes us to the 1640s, and Pujades confirms in the middle of the next page that we are on the right track by revealing his age as '76 años de mi edad' in the context of the symbolism of the pine tree. He goes on to link the name of the church to Greek mythology, to Pan's adoration of Pitys whom he transforms into a sacred pine tree, which is mortal but sheds its seeds like tears. After this hint at St Matthew, and Chrétien's Conte du Graal perhaps, he points out that Jesus was born from a mortal Mary, which concealed his divinity from the demons according to St Jerome, and ut ejus partus celaretur a diabolo was a way to cheat the devil. How he develops this in the context of his alleged death, as we see it, may seem like weird stuff for historians who dismiss our detective work as pseudo-scholarship, but they should at least try to understand his complex rhetoric because their peers of the 19th century, the liberal editors of the Crónica were quite impressed! As shown above, they add in a footnote (vol. 5, p. 127):
"Esta metafora nos da una idea del ingenio, sutileza y erudicion del Cronista"
(This metaphor gives us an idea of the genius, subtleness and erudition of the chronicler.)
That Pujades found a way to "cheat the devil" himself is confirmed exactly 54 chapters later, probably because Plato calculated (1 + (1x2) + (1x3) +4 +9 + 8 + 27 = 54) for the Generations of the Soul. The calculation mode continues when Pujades mentions the year 1637 (p. 339) and the year 1645 (below) three times in the context of the priory Maria de Meyá :
1. “En que se pone la lista ó catálogo de los (nombres de los) Priores que ha tenido el priorato de Meyá desde el año 1005 hasta el que corremos hoy, que es el de 1645…" (Here is a list or catalog of the priors of the priory of Meyá from the year 1005 until today, which is 1645...) p. 347.
2. “…los años y nombres de los que lo fueron desde dicho año 1005 hasta el presente de 1645 en que es prior el ilustre José de Jalpí y Juliá, y son los que siguen…" ( ...the years and names from 1005 until the present in 1645, when the illustrious José de Jalpí y Juliá is the prior, are the following...) p. 347.
3. “En el año 1633, á 15 del mes de agosto del dicho año, tomó la posesion del priorato de santa Maria de Meyá el ilustre é insigne José Jalpí y de Juliá teniendo de edad solos 28 años 11 meses y 7 dias. Vive hoy que contamos 6 de enero del año 1645 ..." (In the year 1633, on August 15 of said year, took possession of the priory Santa Maria de Meyá the illustrious and renowned José Jalpí y de Juliá of only 28 years, 11 months, and 7 days of age. He is – or: I am – alive today, on January 6 of the year 1645...) p. 349.
In view of his "genius, subtleness and erudition", we are not surprised that Pujades anticipated the identity problem and decided to speak to his readers from the grave – but phrased in flawed Castilian "as if it were from his own mouth"! With the above claim in bad Spanish, which Fornés did not correct, Pujades gives his readers another chance to be ahead of the experts because of the esoteric reference to the seeds of the pine he had planted earlier! Or, as Chrétien said in the opening lines of the Conte du Graal to set up his "contes" (calculations): "If the seeds are planted in a rich soil, the fruits will be a hundred fold". This is based on a parable of St Matthew, whom Pujades follows by picking January 6, one of the holiest days in Christianity, to reveal he is still alive as we have mentioned above. He uses the gospel in a most dramatic way to hand us the "magic key" to unlock his hermetic time capsule – because it is the day of the Biblical Magi, celebrated as epiphany ("revelation" in Greek, "to manifest" or "to show") – which demands a closer look at his words:
"Vive hoy que contamos 6 de enero del año 1645..."
Now that Pujades has trained his readers to "count" and "compute the years", the leitmotif of Chrétien's prologue, he challenges them to start a bit of computing. They have to conclude that January 6, 1645 disputes his death of exactly 10 years earlier, on Januar 6, 1635 and funeral on the next day. In addition to this revelation, which confirms the Franciscan scenario with the empty coffin, we will show below that computing is the key to the esoteric "time capsule" on several levels. Its secrets are easily unlocked if we keep in mind that Pujades was an attorney and judge who conducted his historical research from a legal point of view.
In dealing with the identity problem, because this is written by Fornés, he decided to represent himself and guide his readers through the Baroque maze personally. According to the established facts there is the date of a funeral, which would mean he died in 1635, but this is circumstantial evidence! There is no death certificate, no date of death, no corpus delicti – only a record of the funeral. On the other hand, there is substantial evidence to the contrary: Illustrious bishops and archbishops are involved, even Louis XIII and the court of France! The "revelation" and challenge of exactly ten years refers to the Pythagorean 10 (1+2+3+4) and Plutarch's comments  about Plato's Timaeus, where the riddle of the lifespan of the Phoenix is calculated by subtracting the claim of the nymphs because they are lying when they pretend to live as long as 10 phoenixes. This may be messages for a future generation to open his coffin – which may have contained documents – although Pujades couldn't foresee that the monastery would be reduced to rubble.
The Aportació was posted by Pujol on the internet in 2008, and only noticed by us a couple of years later. He is of great interest because he also wrote about poets in the 13th century, the history of the Jews and Sant Pere de Rodes, themes that connect to grail romance. It is no surprise, therefore, that his rhetoric supports the scenario of a fake funeral with bits of evidence he distributes throughout his manuscript, like Kepler his "golden corns", which indicates Pujol recognized the "time-capsule" and decided to preserve the truth for posterity.
Like Pujades, he challenges his readers to start with calculations in Part Two (p. 152), which is more subtle than it seems. He begins with his testament, which was notarized on Oct. 20, 1634, and notes that the inventory followed two and a half months later, and that the documents are strangely different, even though they are signed by the same notary. The plot thickens when he gets to the date:
"January 27, 1635 – ten days after the death of Jeroni Pujades – the widow as executor ordered an invenory of her husband's movable possessions".
This seems like a modern version of our calculations, where the Pythagorean 10 is used to dispute the funeral. If this is not a typo, it would be a riddle of two times ten after the funeral! Furthermore, Pujol fails to include 70 notes about the biography at the end of his article, which is important number in Wolfram's work.
We contacted him in October, 2010, in a retirement home in Girona a year before he died. Pujol took our phone call from California and impressed with his eloquence, culture and deep voice. He sent us a letter after a few weeks with the missing notes (pp. 228 - 229) and a kind reference to our "detective work".
Pujol celebrates Pujades in his article as an eminent ultra-jurist, deeply rooted in classicism and open to the Italian Renaissance and other modern currents (p. 175). He concludes "Jeroni Pujades was most definitely a humanist" as shown by the great works about law and theology, history and philosophy in his library. As he identifies these works, Pujol suggests under "Obres historiques" (p. 199) that, according to Jaime Villanueva, de Marca received the Crónica and other important manuscripts from Pujades personally, and asks: "was it during his official stay in Catalonia between 1644-51... or did he visit Spain earlier, on another occasion?" This is an important question for our conjectures because we contend he arranged the funeral to facilitate the survival of Pujades. It is an important clue by Pujol that he mentions the voluntary hand-over and adds that the answer to this question is still pending . Another open question for him is the incomplete list of around 550 books where titles and authors are mixed up. Pujol even took the time to check the testaments of Pujades's heirs and notes that none of the missing books are listed! We have shown above that Luis Corteguera discovered one of them in Paris, registered under Baluze, which we see as proof that Pujades kept his favorite books. Perhaps, the inventory was temporary because Pujades was alive, and Pujol's wrong calculation could be a message that 10+10 disputes the funeral.
Back to Pujades and his esoteric communications "from the grave". A judge, and doctor of civil and canon law, would avoid conclusive statements that could be false. When Pujades claims three times "...until today, which is the year 1645", "until the current year 1645", and "I´m alive today, on January 6, 1645..." it would be hearsay without written proof he saw the prior that day. (The repetitious claims could also be an entertaining pun on Gallicanism and Peter's three denials of Christ each time the cock crowed. Earlier, in vol. V, p. 245, Pujades explains this in the context of Sant Pere de Galligans, the name of a monastery in Girona, which is in Latin Sancti Petri de Galli cantu). Eulàlia Miralles checked the year 1645 and confirms that the prior headed Maria de Meià from 1633 to 1678, but she addresses neither the secret messages nor the comments of Roig i Jalpi.
Let's consider next that Pujades established a specific day, January 6, 1645, and uses it as basis of a legal argument to show that both he and the prior were alive that day. This forces his readers to consider what he had written earlier, on p. 339, where he proves that he talked personally to the prior:
'He consoled me by saying that he would give me certain papers... (me consoló diciendo, que me daria ciertos papeles) and on the same day, he sent me one of his servants with said papers... (el mismo dia me envió un criado suyo con dichos papeles...)'.
To make sure his legal point is understood, he explains that the papers contain information for the previous, current and following two chapters, which validates January 6, 1645 on page 349. Out of context, the conversation with the prior and delivery of papers "on the same day" would be too trivial for a historical work, but necessary to confirm a hidden messages. Nevetheless, historians maintain unanimously that Pujades died in 1635, which means that this and all other references to the 1640s were forgeries by Fornés.
The next paragraph is in such bad Spanish that Fornés would have surely corrected it if the ambiguities didn't have a rhetorical function. Pujades writes that the "illustrious prior" was looking for an expert in 1637 – another date after the funeral – to search for records in his library to determine when and by whom the church and monastery were founded, and why at this location? After an "exhausting and tiring" search, the prior found one document from the year 1005 CE that lists Maria de Meyá as a Benedictine priory. Pujades implies that he was involved because he adds that it may have been founded by Charlemagne or his son Louis the Pious. However, Roig i Jalpi was in his early twenties by then and could have worked for Pujades, and continued his own researches which were published in 1678. Pujades mentions that Maria de Meyá was originally part of Urgell, which is another important bit of information as we will show below.
It seems Fornés didn't change the most confusing claims because of their rhetoric function: Six chapters after Maria de Meyá, Pujades weaves the complex history of Ermesenda through nine chapters and makes calculations to prepare his readers for a higher theme that relates to Plato's 6 x 9 = 54. The editors explain in a footnote (vol. 5, p. 407) that the sources of Pujades differ, and that he confuses dates because he doesn't clarify when a year begins on March 25, the "conception" of Christ, or his "incarnation" on December 25, which he used in the diaries. However, the editors overlook that it is penned by a scribe who could have easily corrected the confusion. Fornés was not only the bishop of Urgell at the time, but also an erudite historian and fluent in Spanish!
In the handwriting of Fornés, Pujades goes on to quote from Ermesenda's testament and praise her Catholicism rhetorically by showing how generously she distributed her wealth among over fifty monasteries, churches, and churchmen, and even had vessels sent to the Roman pontiff. Pujades plays over several pages with the etymology of siphos, sciphos and ciphos to present a history of sacramental vessels. He goes from cups to bowls and pitchers, mentions that a cipho in the shape of a boat was used by Hercules, and sciphus in book 8 of Virgil's Aeneid. He points out that the early Church used wooden cups to celebrate the Eucharist, which was later declared an "abuse" by the popes and banned in the Middle Ages. The last mention of these vessels is a rhetorical set-up in three steps: First, he leaves a line in blank, which the editors complete with "...suos eschacos cristalinos ad tabulam..." in a footnote. Secondly, he uses "serpell" in a sentence and the editors point in another footnote he should have used the Catalan word instead of the Castilian, without saying it should have been greal or grealla. Thirdly, another Castilian translation follows:
"...duas copas de argento..." (p. 414),
which is a major clue because we know from Du Cange and Coromines that the original text from Urgell is "gradales duas de argento" in Latin. This word play seems to indicate that Pujades is an admirer of Chrétien de Troyes and therefore teases his readers by never using the Catalan word for grail as they expected. Critics who reject these references to the grail myth, which start at Sant Pere de Rodes, should contemplate this metaphor of Pujades, which is another clue because it may link Charles the Bald to the murder of Sunifred of Urgell:
"Kings inform themselves rarely of the truth by drinking the clear
waters at the source, but usually after they pass through
conduits that are not always clean but darkened,
polluted and corrupted, or
served in vessels
that are neither jars from Portugal, nor
porcelain from India, nor a horn
of the Unicorn..."
12. The grail
Another example of his "genius, subtleness and erudition" is how Pujades takes his readers from the diocese of Urgell in the Pyrenees, to which Maria de Meyá used to belong, to sacramental vessels in the handwriting of the new Bishop of Urgell. He uses the last will of Ermesenda, because she was such a generous Catholic, to feature words from the testaments of her deceased uncle and aunt, Count Ermengol I of Urgell (d. 1010 CE) and his half-sister Ermengarda (d. 1030 CE). Both were descendants of Sunifred of Urgell and had the same father, Count Borrell of Barcelona, but different mothers. Although Pujades covered their lives and death a few chapters earlier, he establishes that Sunifred of Urgell was an Iconoclast because "he did not venerate the holy images". The testaments are clearly the target of his chapter on "vessels" because they base the etymology of "graal" for the first time in history on "gradales duas de argento" , which Pujades uses apparently to give his readers a hidden signal.
Skeptics could argue that we are imagining his esoteric concept, but it has surprising back-up: In the high Pyrenees above Urgell, numerous Romanesque churches with frescoes of fiery grails  were discovered in the early 1900s, which scholars like Chandler R. Post, Charles L. Kuhn and Otto Demus  link to grail romance. They survived because of their isolated mountain location, which indicates that other churches in Catalonia had such depictions of grails as well, but were either white-washed or painted over centuries ago, or are yet to be discovered. The most dramatic examples are below because they document the metamorphosis of an enclosed reliquary at Sant Pere de Burgal at left to an open "grala" at Sant Climent de Taüll from around 1123 CE. This has great importance for our research because these frescoes were painted over half a century before Chrétien de Troyes created the word graal (grail).
We may owe the etymology of "grail" to Pujades as well, although du Cange is credited for linking grala-gradals-gradalis to the Urgell testaments, which does not describe a chalice in Catalonia, but a simple platter or bowl. Earlier, we had followed a paper trail from Pujades to de Marca, and finally to Baluze who impressed he savants at St-Germain-des-Prés with the documents he had inherited. According to the Catholic Encyclopedia "Baluze, together with Luc d'Achéry, Mabillon, Sainte-Marthe, Ducange, Montfaucon, and others, gathered an immense quantity of rich materials which the historians of the nineteenth century... used with the greatest skill". How much of these materials came from Pujades remains an open question because Baluze had amassed for himself before his death "1100 printed books, 957 manuscripts, more than 500 charters, and seven cases full of various documents". Some are probably in Colbert's library today and others in the vast "fonds Baluze" at the BnF.
Thanks to Baluze, Sieur du Cange was able to use the research of Pujades "with the greatest skill" because his Glossarium with the etymology of 'graal' was published decades after the Crónica was taken to Paris. This scenario is better understood if we consider that it spans three generations of scholars: Pujades was born in 1568 and would have been a father figure for de Marca (at right), born 26 years later, in 1594. Du Cange was born in 1610 and Baluze (at left) in 1630, although he never met Pujades and bashed him as "ignorant", which implies it was his employer's opinion. He was merely 25 years old when he joined de Marca in 1656 as scribe, and although he had only served him for six years managed to inherit his entire collection of books and documents, including the flósculo of Pujades, which gave him substantial bragging rights in Paris. According to Jesús Villanueva Lopéz, de Marca was told by Mazarin to remove many rare documents from Catalonia and although some may have become part of the Mazarin library, we don't know how many were held back by Baluze and are now registered at the BnF under his name.
Back to Maria de Meyá and the esoteric time capsule: That Pujades saw the prior on January 6, 1645, and got the promised papers "the same day" is another important revelation: Two trips on the same day were required, which indicates that Pujades was living not too far from the priory, at most in a radius of about five hours by mule or horse. This would include Lleida, where he made his doctorates and his son Dalmau studied as well, which suggests they had friends in the region. That's one possibility, but Gaquère writes that Pierre de Marca visited the Cistercian monastery Santa Maria de Poblet near Lleida in July of 1647 , which also fits our scenario, because he could have met with Pujades who either lived there or nearby.
Until new evidence contradicts these conjectures, it seems rather clear that there was only one villain in the Pujades Affair: The overly ambitious Etienne Baluze who betrayed his employer after only six short years of service . This is another Baroque intrigue that deserves to be addressed because Baluze inherited the library of de Marca, including the documents of Pujades, and then waited 26 years to publish the Marca Hispanica. Based on our conclusion that de Marca and Pujades were friends, Baluze could have inherited their documents on the condition he would publish their works, the Catalonia illustrata (Marca Hispanica) in French and Latin, and the Corònica Universal in Spanish, as edited and revised by Fornés. But as soon as his employer was under the ground, Baluze joined the illustrious savants at St-Germain-des-Prés to promote himself with the unique documents in his possession. He gave the work of de Marca the pretentious title Marca Hispanica; sive limes hispanicvs, hoc est, geographica & historica descriptio Cataloniae, Ruscinonis, & circumjacentium populorum and tripled its size with documents like the Gesta comitum barcinonensium. In the process, he created the impression that he discovered most documents by removing references to Pujades and by slandering him as "ignorant' in the context of the few he chose to keep - thus damaging the reputations of Pujades and de Marca!
This conjecture is supported by the fact that the printer is François Muguet, the "Imprimeur ordinaire du Roi" and "Baluze's lifelong friend" , which indicates Baluze made up a good story to dismiss Pujades and cover his plagiarism! In a well-calculated plan, he had his own name printed larger than de Marca's, and Colbert's even larger and dedicated the work to the powerful minister of finance of Louis XIV, which got him employed as his librarian.
We would have never known about his plagiarism had not the archbishop of Rouen invited the Catalan scholar Dalmases to review the Crónica in 1696. It is a curious omission that a noted philologist like Miralles would merely mention that the "archbishop of Rouen" found the manuscripts forming "dead weight" in his library – because a bit of googling leads to another surprise:
It is Jacques-Nicolas Colbert – Baluze's last employer!
He became archbishop in 1691 and bought the Colbert Library in 1692 for a nominal price after the death of his famous father and older brother. Because he was a doctor of the Sorbonne and member of the Académie française, his interest in Pujades suggests he may have been aware of Baluze's plagiarism and slanderous remark, and ordered Baluze to send him the work. Dalmases accepted the invitation and visited the archbishop in France in 1700. According to the social customs, the Catalan aristocrat and his entourage would have been Colbert's guest at the Chateau de Gaillon, which is near the river Seine on the road from Paris to Rouen. The four manuscripts are rather large and it would have taken Dalmases several days to study them and write a summary – even longer in good company. Both were scholars with a love for history and may have met daily to discuss the findings of Pujades, which continued at the dinner table and could have ended at the fireplace over a Cognac or Calvados. Hence, they had plenty of inspiration to consider the esoteric time capsule, the effects of the Reformation, the liberal editors, and even the involvement of secret orders like the Rosicrucians and Alumbrados who had symphatizers among churchmen, most notably the Jesuits and Franciscans. All kinds of subjects could have come up, even grail romance! They could have also considered how much of Pujades's research was rerouted by Baluze and 'corrected' by the Mauriststs and Bollandists, which would explain why Dalmases founded the "Academy of the Distrustful" (Acadèmia dels Desconfiats) right after his return to Barcelona.
It is probably not another coincidence that the archbishop removed Baluze from the Colbert Library at the time! Nevertheless, academics continue to turn a blind eye to his questionable character – even the French historian Léopold Delisle of the BnF didn't know in 1863 why he was "suddenly dismissed" in 1700 . Yet Baluze continued to work on Cardinal Bouillon´s genealogy and in 1708 "appeared the Histoire généalogique de la maison d’Auvergne... where Baluze made use of documents already proved to have been forged" (see link). As a result, the cardinal had to flee to the Netherlands and Baluze was fired from his other offices and banished from Paris. A lack of morals and ethics that facilitated an illustrious career had finally brought his downfall! But as long as universities keep awarding "Baluze Prizes", only a prominent scholar would be able to remove him from this lofty pedestal. A good starting point is the question why he chose his printer's daughter as his "universal heir"?  Doesn't it imply Muguet was the man who knew too much and could have ended Baluze's career any time he wanted?
14. A second message from the grave?
Inspired by the Romanesque Art at the MNAC museum in Barcelona, we visited Roda de Isábena and the Vall de Boí in April, 2018. The symbolism of the paintings from the churches St Climent and Sta Maria de Taüll in the high Pyrenees made us realize that a quest that started at St Pere de Rodes over forty years ago has finally reached its destination. When we checked with Pujades as usual, looking in vain for a better coverage of Roda de Isábena than Santa Maria de Meyà, we noticed that vol. VII returns to the history of the monastery when it was still called San Pedro de Roda, and features long lists of donations that were bestowed upon it, when an incredible claim on p. 51 caught our attention. We had assumed that it is about additional relics that were donated, but a closer look revealed that arzobispo de Canturia means "archiepiscopus cantuariensis" and identifies Thomas Becket of Canterbury, which implies a shocking prelude to the elaborate "time capsule" of some forty chapters later.
Just as bishop Fornés exploits Epiphany to have Pujades speak to us 10 years after his funeral, he turns now to (another) Revelation after 10 chapters about San Pedro de Roda. If we compare
what Pujades writes in vol. IV about these relics,
see link, we note that the names of the seven saints are in Spanish 
and paired with the seven golden lampstands
that appeared before the youngest apostle of Jesus when he was allegedly stranded in Patmos as an old man. (The text can be enlarged with a click, as well as the detail from Esp.120 at right, where it is one paragraph!) The apocalyptic vision should probably "
enlighten us" why the most precious relics are replaced, because Becket's rain cape "covers"
the cup with the blood of Christ and Peter's garment his skull and crossbones.
A last relic is added to help us solve the riddle:
the knife Peter used for his fishing nets. Hence,
this Revelation seems to require Occam's razor – the Franciscan way to cut a tangled web.
Due to the theme of our website, we had assumed at first that Becket's cape references the "Matter of Britain" and links San Pedro de Roda to grail romance. But Occam's razor would cut straight to Becket's assassination! Are we to believe that Pujades was murdered because he refused to remove an important revelation about the monastery's history?
15. The magic of the internet
When the editors reached p. 21 of Esp. 220, they probably realized that Pujades would have never written such nonsense, not even as a satire, but had no idea about a change of handwriting to prove it. Today
, in 2019, these manuscripts are easily downloaded from the BnF in Paris with surprising results. When Pujades translated the Catalan edition, he wrote Esp. 117 and 118 in a narrow column on the left half of the page, just as Miralles observed.
But our insert shows that Esp. 119 is more than a new beginning of the 3rd Part, it has a new title
no one seems to have considered. The name is Pujadas now and the text covers most of the page with less room for references. By comparison, the title page of Esp. 120 (at right shows that Fornés uses two columns and changes the title again, to Coronica Universal del Principado de Catalunya, which the editors adapted with a simplified Crónica. (All four inserts above and below can be enlarged with a click!) The style of 120 is simple and the two columns look well-organized, as if the text was copied or dictated by Pujades!
According to Miralles, Fornés improved his Spanish a few times, which takes us straight to the editors who solved half of the riddle for us without knowing it.For them, Esp. 119 and Esp. 120 were similar, copied by the same inept Parisian scribe a hundred years earlier, which turns their comparison of the two manuscripts into hard evidence that friar Francesc sold his soul to Pierre de Marca. Vol. VI represents the second half of Esp. 119 and has only 19 footnotes, while VII is the first half of Esp. 120 with 96 footnotes, most of them corrections. Before we return to the editors, who had no access to Esp. 117, we can even prove the accusation because the friar documents it himself.
As mentioned, Esp. 117 and 118 cover the translations of Pujades into Spanish, but Esp. 117 opens with a lenghty prologue of Fornés and the claim he made these translations, including the subsequent prologue of Pujades. Both are attached to the article of Miralles  and corroborate the forgery. To account for the years it would take to replace the translations of 117 - 119, and support the 1640s in 120, he dated the prologue 1637, but only completed the second chapter, because the third (at right) is still in the handwriting of Pujades. It is such an abrupt transition that it might even document the demise of Fornés, because he used a date close to 1635, which could explain why his signature is scratched out. But above all, it is the written proof that de Marca wanted his peers to believe that Pujades was alive and dictated these changes so he could plagiarize anything of interest. It would even make sense in the context that Pujades met the prior of Maria de Meyá in person, because this put him out of the reach of the French. According to Josep M. Pons Guri, prior Jalpí y Juliá was loyal to the Spanish crown, refused to be bribed by de Marca, was pursued by his accomplices, and could only save his life by hiding for two years in the forest .
The editors had neither access to Esp. 117 nor did they know about Fornés, yet they realized that there is something seriously wrong. When they published vol. VII in 1831, they introduced the obituary of Pujades and pointed out in the footnotes that he seems extremely confused (bastante confusa) in Esp. 120, and that the "cláusula
" (stipulation) withthe claim he was alive in 1646 may have been added by an acquaintance of prior Josep Jalpi y Julia. Vol. VIII followed in August of 1832, and they wrote below the titles of both volumes that Pujades could not review his texts because of the mistakes (equivocaciones), including misidentifications due to the "fables" in the Gesta Comitum Barchinonensium .
When the editors published vol. VIII they featured Fr. Roig i Jalpi and withheld vol. IV, which prevented their subscribers from comparing the claims on p. 51 in VII with the original text and find the riddle of the switched relics. Hence, vol. IV was released last, in December of 1832, with a forword that reflects the wisdom of Torres Amat, the editor in charge.
16. The secrets of St Pedro de Roda
The marble is no longer extant, but the Roman inscriptions are an ominous clue to an even greater secret. The leading art historian for the site has been for many years Immaculada Lorés, and her comprehensive book about the restoration covers everything in great detail, including the work of the archeologists. According to Lorés, they discovered along the Eastern walls of the monastery a structure of large rectangular granit blocks, 25 x 7 m, which are different because the monastery is built with small stone slabs, and they are definitely ("amb tota seguridad") from Antiquity . If you click on the insert you'll notice that the altar of the church, and alleged cave, is about 20 meters from the ancient walls, which contradicts the legend of the long search and reveals that the cave was never found. Besides, the ancient structure was hidden under the rubble as the above photograph from 1929 shows.
This is positive proof that
Before we return to the conclusions of Torres Amat in vol. IV, we need to spend more time with the mysterious structure.
This takes us back to Esp. 120, and to the fact that all scholars, from Torres Amat to Mirailles, agree that the story of Maria de Meyá, and the claims that Pujades was there in the 1640s is a fraudulent addition because he died in 1635. Consequently, references like ut habes in flósculo meo Parisiensi were inserted by Fornés to claim Pujades was alive and used this code to address de Marca. This means that other information could have been removed or rewritten and the reason why the first 10 chapters about the geneology of Guifré el Pilos and the following 10 chapters about San Pedro de Roda are "bastante confusa" in the opinion of Torres Amat. He realized, of course, that Pujades knew better because the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium was started at Sant Miquel de Cuixà where his son Dalmau became a monk in 1616 , and transfered later to San Pedro de Roda where the ancient structure was still inhabited, according to
. This indicates that Pujades may have revised his first description of the cave after visiting his son there, and which could have been removed from his manuscript by Fornés with all references to the Venus temple.
Equally suspicious are the subtle references to grail romance, which the two major relics require. Pujades introduces in great detail the testament of countess Ermesenda, as described above in chapter 11, including duas copas de argento , which would have meant in the region gradales duas de argento in Latin, according to du Cange and Coromines . We had mentioned above that Baluze may have impressed the savants at St-Germain-des-Prés with the documents he had inherited from de Marca, and du Cange's etymology of "grail" could be just another example of this plagiarism.
17. The belated "Advertencia" of vol. IV
The editors chose to name their forwords "announcements" or "warnings" to oblige their readers to read them carefully, even if some comments seem ambiguous or inconclusive. We will show below that it was necessary to introduce the history of St Pedro de Roda to make sense of their last "advertencia" with two short paragraphs in an extremely large typeface. Here is the link to the pdf file in Spanish, and an English summary with our comments below:
The editors inform their subscribers that they are preparing
by 1170, the date of Chrétien’s Erec… the knights of the Round Table were already celebrated in far-away Catalonia" .
a final vol. IX with the usual indexes, critical comments, and many appendices. The scholar Joseph Tastu, see above chap. 9, is currently comparing volumes V - VIII with the manuscripts of Pujades at the Bibliothèque Royale in Paris. The new volume will begin with his "curious and important" report about the flósculo or ancient documents Pujades has cited so often, and some works of Catalan poets and troubadours, of which Tastu has discovered 52 in the library. This may be the link to grail romance we had expected, and could get support from Rita Lejeune who writes "
We suspect that the two paragraphs of the advertencia reflect an esoteric concept with the keyword "sabio" (wise), because Torres Amat ends the first paragraph with a promise of annotations (apuntes) about the
Crónica. They are based on the manuscript of an "antiguo y sabio" Catalan bishop who loved the glory of their fatherland.
The second paragraph begins with the ambiguous advice that "suspicious and intelligent readers" (lectores celoses é inteligentes) who studied the eight volumes, should accept the Advertencia of vol. VIII, which promotes the dedication of Pujades and his family to the Spanish crown and removes all suspicions that he was pro-French at the time .
Torres Amat announces next that the editors found a way to reduce the costs of Vol. IX, and that their only reward is the satisfaction of having brought a manuscript to light because many historians desired its publication ever since "the wise archbishop of Paris, Sr. Marca, had taken advantage of the literary works of our deserving and laborious chronicler to create his famous work entitled Marca Hispanica". Until now, all accusations pertained to the theft of manuscripts and documents, yet the plagiarism is extended for the first time to the literary work of Pujades, which includes his findings and conclusions.
Pending further research, which we address below, we propose that Torres Amat agreed for once with the "wise archpishop of Paris" that references to Venus, Aphrodite, and the monastery were removed from Esp. 120, because the "wise Catalan bishop" considered the consequences of these findings detrimental for the glory of their fatherland.
It would be a sad day indeed for Catalans if their beloved "Mont Verdera" is desecrated (by the truth), and the general public informed that the monastery is built over a non-existent cave, which its abbots have fraudulently covered up for over a thousand years. For the same reason, modern scholars keep quiet about the lost cave with Peter's skull and crossbones, and the cup with Christ's blood. Just as the chamber under the altar had been pillaged for over a century, the entire mountain would be crawling with professional treasure hunters, equipped with drones and ground penetrating radar .
18. The Thomas Becket riddle
(to be contin
BACK GRAILGATE NEXT
1. Petro de Marca, Marca Hispanica sive limes Hispanicvs, hoc est, geographica & historica descriptio Cataloniae, Ruscinonis, & circumjacentium populorum, Franciscum Muguet, Paris, 1688.
2. Jesús Villanueva Lopez, La Marca Hispanica de Pierre de Marca y Étienne Baluze a través de sus tres momentos de composición... (Barcelona, 2004), pp. 205-232. Available on-line.
3. Gerónimo Pujades, Crónica Universal del Principado de Cataluña, vol. V, (Barcelona, 1829), p.VI.
4. J.H. Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans, A Study in the Decline of Spain 1598-1640 (Cambridge, 1984), paperback edition, pp. 253-54
5. Estevan de Corbera, Cataluña Illustrada, (Napoli, 1678), p.6. The quote simplifies and paraphrases the Baroque praise, which is much more flowery: "Uno dellos es el Dotor Hieronymo Pujades q’a sido el primero que rompiò este hilo, y abrio camino entre tantas difficultades dandonos una Crónica general de Cataluña, y aunque poco conocido de los Estrãngeros por haverla escrito en lengua Catalana, y mal reçebida dela emulacion de sus cónaturales, estra texida, y continuada con gran cuydado, y prudencia, y con advertencias, y curiosidades muy dignas de estimacion, ha trabajado mucho, y siempre a su costa reboluiendo Archivos, averiguado antiguedades, y empleando lo mejor de su vida en diligencias, y peregrinaciones encaminadas a este fin tan loable, sin que aya tenido jamas arrimo o favor publico, o particular que le alentara, y socorriere en tan honrosa ocupacion ; antes algunos que no saben lo que valen aquellos trabajos quieren a carga cerrada codenarlos ; tristes effetos de una emulacion enbidiosa. Condenan lo que no alcançan que ay grandes leguas dela presuncion ala Obra..."
6. Fr. Joan Gaspar Roig i Jalpi, Resumen Historial de las Grandezas, y Antiquedades de la Cuidad de Gerona..., (Barcelona, 1678), quoted from his foreword, thanks to Google: https://books.google.es/books?id=7f_NmJsaqAEC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false Here's a scan of the page.
7. Jaime Villanueva, Viage literarario a las Iglesias de España, vol. 6, Carta L, (Valencia, 1821), pp. 233-34. Volumes 1-6 were originally published in Madrid between 1803 and 1806. His account in Carta L triggered our dispute of Pujades' death in 1635 before we discovered Fr. Joan (see above, n. 6). Here's the link to the quote.
8. Jesús Villanueva (see above, n. 2), pp. 221-22. Italia Illustrada (1448-1458) by Flavio Blondo was the first work to “recompile all illustrious events of the country for the admiration of the locals and foreigners”. This was followed by Germania illustrata (ca. 1500), Illustrations de Gaule (1511-1513), Illustrations dels comtats…(1586), Hispania illustrata (1603-1608), and Cataluña Illustrada, written until 1630 by Esteve de Corbera. Pierre de Marca intended originally to publish his work as Catalonia illustrata, in French and Latin, and dedicate it to Mazarin. We should add that 'illustration' has lost some of its meaning which used to be more like illumination, including enlightening and embellishing.
9. Marc Mayer, Xavier Espluga, Alejandra Guzmàn, L’epigrafia a la Corònica de Jeroni Pujades (1569-1636), (Barcelona, 2004), pp.224-25. Pujades writes: “Que nadie puede ser buen censor, ni juez, que no oiga ambas partes. Quado se ofrecerán encontradas opiniones, las referiré; y, si es posible, como lo será las más veses, las consiliaré y reduziré a concordia; y quado no pueda llegar á tanto, puestos los fundamentos y razones de ambas partes, quedará la decision de la duda a la discreción del lector."
(from BnF, Ms. 117, fol. 8r.)
10. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), (Barcelona, 1830), vol. VI, pp.384-388. Pujades dedicates an entire chapter to correct the "mal informado" abad Antonio Yepez. The churchman died in 1618 as abbot of the monastery San Benito de Valladolid, where his chronicle was published. He is known today as Fr. Antonio de Yepes, and his Coronica general de la Orden de San Benito is available at books.google.com.
11. Ibid, p. 279. Pujades corrects here the Dominican historian Francisco Diago: Because Baldwin I “Ironarm” abducted Judith in 862 CE and Guifré is documented in 870 CE in Catalonia, the eight-year interval was too short for Judith to have gotten pregnant with a daughter that was old enough to get pregnant herself. Hence, the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium (BnF) states falsely that Guifré got the daughter of the Counts of Flanders pregnant and married her later. See also Miquel Coll i Alentorn, Historiografia, (Barcelona, 1991), p. 54. He writes that Guifré's vita in the Gesta pretends to be a legend, whereas it is in fact rather “erudite, and probably dreamt up for pragmatic reasons.” Stefano Maria Cingolani, Gestes dels comtes de Barcelona I reis d’Aragó, (Valencia, 2008), p. 44, adds that "the forger seems to have been very familiar with history.”
12. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), (Barcelona, 1831), vol. VII, pp. I, III. The editors mention it twice, on p. I: "...el Dr. José Pujades; despues de contestar la carrera literaria del Cronista, su trabajo y dispendios en escribir la Crónica, y el robo de ella por el Sr. Marca...
" and on p. III: "...el mismo Arzopispo de Paris, que aprovechándose de su venida á Cataluña en calidad de Comisionado regio del Rey de Francia en los disturbios civiles del año 1640 á 52, y despues de la muerte del Dr. Gerónimo... apoderándose de la Crónica á mano armada, cercando la casa de la viuda del Dr. Pujades, y llevándose todos su papeles, segun la tradicion que se conserva entre sus descendientes, á quienes debemos esta noticia".
13. Miquel Pujol i Canelles, Aportació a la biografia de Jeroni Pujades, Una biblioteca particular de començament del segle XVII, 1985, writes "enemics mortals", p.158. His findings and wide field of interests show that he understood Pujades better than most modern scholars. He was honored at the "Jornada d’estudi en homenatge a Miquel Pujol Canelles celebrades el passat 19 d’octubre, 2011," and in 2014 at "El Cicle de Conferències du el nom del filòleg, medievalista i investigador castelloní Miquel Pujol Canelles (1927-2011). He was also known as a medievalist because of such works as La poesia occitanocatalana de Castelló d’Empúries, Recull de poemes de final del segle XIII i primer terç del XIV, and La conversió dels jueus de Castelló d’Empúries.
14. Harald Zimmermann, Das Mittelalter, 1. Teil, (Braunschweig, 1975), p. 9: "Den Bollandisten und den Maurinern blieb die Führung in der Mittelalterforschung gewahrt, was um so leichter möglich war, als hier wie dort die Arbeit von der ganzen Gemeinschaft getragen wurde."
15. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. IV, pp. 186-190. See also VIII (1832), p. 123, where he refers to "el grande libro del numero 223 llamado Registro" que es del órden del P. San Benito". He references folio 17, dated July 1, 1097, which indicates that the first 16 pages of the chronicle may cover several centuries. A comparison with the first edition of the Coronica vniversal... (Barcelona, 1609) and f. 316v. in Paris shows that both mention an "ampolla" with the blood of Christ. But the translation of Pujades shows that he expanded it to "un vaso, o ampolla" which was unknown to the editors and never published. In Castilian Spanish "vaso" is a better translation of the Catalan "grala" because it includes vessels for drinking and all kinds of common bowls. According to the chronicle, the Romans feared an attack by the Persians in the early seventh century and had churchmen take a ship full of their most precious relics to the west. After a favorable wind from the South – a dangerous storm in the revised edition – they rested a few days in a natural harbor at the Pyrenees and decided to hide their cargo in a cave they discovered, including the holy vessel and remains of St Peter. When they returned, they were unable to find the cave and continued the search for the rest of their lives. These are the basic ingredients of grail lore, with a bit of Monty Python, because there would ineluctably have been witnesses if some Italians were climbing up and down these mountains until they died of old age. Had the locals asked them what they are looking for, they could have said a "gradalis", a vessel of no value, and some "reliquiae insignes". If pressed for details, they might have admitted a search for some bones, the bones of a fisherman, even of an important fisherman. As time went by, the tale grew in the imagination of passing minstrels to the "quest" for a holy grala which is "guarded" by a rich fisherman or fisherking. The higher theme of grail romance was added when a later generation realized that spiritual values are more important than material things. (See detailed tale).
16. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. V, p. IV.
17. Ibid, p. VII. According to Viage literarario..., vol. 6, letter 50, pp. 233-5, the copies were inherited by Bishop Taberner's brother, the count of Darnius. When the Marqués de Villel married the Condesa de Darnius in 1784, the manuscripts became part of his library. It is rather curious that the illustrious "Marqués de Villel, Conde de Darnius, grande de España y gentilhombre de Cámara de Su Majestad con ejercicio" led a double-life as a pro-French member of "La Nobleza Catalana Bonapartista 1808 - 1815", which would explain why he alerted Villanueva of the copies in his possession. There is also an entertaining quote from Marx and Engels (La España Revolucionaria): "En Cádiz, que era lo más revolucionario de España en aquella época, la presencia de un delegado de la Junta Central, el estúpido y engreído marqués de Villel, provocó una insurrección el 22 y 23 de febrero de 1809 que, de no haber sido desviada a tiempo hacia el cauce de la guerra por la independencia, hubiera tenido las más desastrosas consecuencias." For the German version google "Karl Marx Friedrich Engels" (MEGA)
18. Ibid, pp. II-III.
19. Pujades, (see above, n. 12)
20. Diccionari Biografic, vol. III, (Barcelona, 1966), p. 594. The Enciclopedia Italiana, XXVIII, Roma, MCMXXV-XIV, proposes that Pujades died "...verso la metà del secolo seguente", and the Biographie Universelle, Michaud, tome 34, Paris, writes he died "...vers 1650”.
21. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. V, p.VI. "No puede dudarse, dice la censura de la Real Acadèmia de la historia, que el autor á costa de mucha aplicacion y trabajo, recopiló en su Crónica cuanto estaba esparcido en los antiguos autores, que reconoció muchos archivos, y se aprovechó de sus códices y documentos: y aun de puede asegurar, sin ecsageracion, que ilustra la historia de Cataluña con muchas noticias mas que cuantos le precedieron… Nos parece que se puede mirar y publicar como un códice antiguo lleno de noticias curiosas é importantes, y como una mina que pueden beneficiar los Editores con grandes ventajas de la historia…"
22. Pujades, (see above, n. 12). See also François Gaquère, Pierre de Marca, Sa Vie, ses Oevres, son Gallicanisme, (Paris, 1932), p.213. It is amazing how some academics fail to do their homework because, according to Gaquère, de Marca mentions in a letter of June 20, 1646, that he and governor Margarit were aware of a possible assassination and had to travel with an escort of ten soldiers. The most plausable scenario for de Marca's "robbery" in 1651 is that when the Catalan retreat was foreseeable, he came with his soldiers to save the family from reprisals. Perhaps, they showed force to make it look like an involuntary act for the neighbors as insurance for their later return. This scenario would also correct the the final "Advertencia" in the Crónica (tome VIII, pp. I - IX), where it is claimed at length that Pujades and family were ardent pro-Castilians. It says on p. V: "...como muriese en el año de 1635 dejando al dicho Dr. José Pujades su hijo, solo en edad de 11 años, y los franceses entrasen á occupar Cataluña en el año de 1640 hasta 1652, el obispo Pedro Marca, del partido de Francia, cargó con los originales, y se los llevó en Francia, sin que se puede gozar la luz de tanto trabajo." For more information about how Pujades seems to have survived his "funeral" with the help of de Marca, see rough draft of additional conjectures.
23. John H. Elliott, La revolta Catalana 1598-1640: Un estudi sobre la decadència d'Espanya, (Valencia, 2011), p. 580.
24. Eulàlia Miralles i Jori, LA CORÓNICA UNIVERSAL DEL PRINCIPADO DE CATALUÑA DE JERONI PUJADES, UNA OBRA INTERPOLADA?, (Barcelona, 2002), La Crónica Universal del Principado de Cataluña de Jeroni Pujades en el Academia de Barcelona (Barcelona, 2003), etc.
25. That the Crónica was in Franciscan hands is supported by Joan Roig i Jalpí, who referred to the Second part in 1678, ten years before the "Marca hispanica..." was published, and valued the contributions of Pujades as surpassing the treasures of Venice. Esp. 119 and 120 are headlined with "Jhs Maria Francisco". A comparison shows that they are by different scribes, which suggests Fornés may have stored the manuscripts at a Franciscan monastery where he edited the work, and only took a few chapters to Pujades for his review.
26. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VII, p. II. The translation: “Hoy á los siete de enero de mil seiscientos treinta y cinco fué enterrado el cuerpo del Señor Gerónimo Pujades, Doctor en Derechos de la presente villa; en su enfermedad ha recibido todos los sacramentos de la Sta. Madre Iglesia : se le ha hecho sepultura mayor en la iglesia mayor, y despues le llevaron á san Francisco, y allí está su cuerpo enterrado. Dieron á cada Capellan dos sueldos por la sepultura, y al Rector semanero cuatro sueldos. Cujus anima requiescat in pace, Amen. Por mí Jayme Correja Pbo. y otro de los Rectores de Castelló y de San Juan Sescloses.”
27. Pujol, (see above, n. 12), p.146. In addition to the last will of Pujades, Pujol provides the probated list of his posssession, including every book and document in his library, yet the Crónica is not mentioned, which is strong evidence that it was already in the hands of de Marca.
28. Josep M. Pons Guri, Roig y Jalpí y el Prior de Meyá
, Annales de l'Institut Gironins, No. 14, 1960, pp. 51-52.
29. Luis R. Corteguera, The Peasant Who Went to Hell: Dreams and Visions in Early Modern Spain, eds. Anne Plane and Leslie Tuttle, Dreams, Dreamers and Visions: The Early Modern Atlantic World (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), pp. 101-2. Cortgeguera found the book at the BnF in the Baluze collection, no. 238, fol. 38or, and discusses in detail the marginal notes of Pujades. There is a vague reference in the flósculos, which Pujol did not follow up.
30. Roig i Jalpi, (See above, n. 6) p. 245 which is available on-line. He also accuses Baluze of exploiting the researches of Pujades and de Marca in other works, like tome 10 on Councils, published in 1671, col. 614.
31. Fèlix Torres Amat, MEMORIAS para ayudar..., (Barcelona, 1836), p. 509. The complete quote: "No he podido averguar de fijo el dia ni año que murió, pero en su Crónica libro XIV cap. 62, dice que aquello lo escríbia en 1645, y segun esto tenia entonces 77 años de edad." (Available on-line at Google)
32. Jesús Villanueva, (see above, n. 2), p. 214. However, according to P. ADDANTE (ed.), I fioretti di San Francesco di Paola, Reggio Calabria 2007 (1507), the flósculo are beased on Franciscan floretes: "Arran del seu proces de beatificacio, Sant Francesc de Paola disposaria dels seus propis fioretti. Similars als de Sant Francesc d’Assis, les floretes per excellencia, tan llegides que, de ben segur (atesa la devocio familiar), ell devia coneixer be.
33. James S. Amelang, Spain, Europe and the Atlantic word, Essays in honour of John H. Elliott, ed. Richard L. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, The mental world of Jeroni Pujades, (Cambridge UK - 1995), p.216
34. Pujol, (see above, n. 12), p.101.
35. Johannes Kepler, Mysterium Cosmographicum, De Stella Nova, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 1, ed. Max Caspar, (Munich, 1938), pp.441-61. He writes: "Mit drei Argumenten wird offen operiert... Ein viertes, das den Menschen Mund und Augen verschliesset, steht dunkel im Hintergrund: die Autorität der heutigen Theologen bei allen Parteien. Diese ist so erdrückend, dass ich nicht umhin kann, dieses Zeitalter als unglücklich zu beklagen.”
36. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VII., pp. 347-49
37. Plutarch’s Moralia, de defectu oraculorum, Pearson/Sandbach, Vol. XI, (Harvard, 1927), pp.381-87
38. Pujol (See above, n. 12) writes (p. 199) under "Obres històriques: …Tal vegada és ara l'ocasió de preguntar-se ¿per qué no consta la Crónica –ni els Flòsculs– en el Memorial de llibres, realitzat ascassament deu dies després de la mort de Jeroni Pujades? Que Pere de Marca se n'endugué els manuscrits de la Crónica , entre altres documents importants, sembla no haver-hi cap dubte. Marca estigué oficialment a Catalunya del 1644 fins al 1651, interval de temps en què es suposa que aconsegui de l'esposa I als fills els cobejats manuscrits. ¿Visità en alguna altra ocasió anteriorment Espanya? El P. Villanueva, per la seva banda, diu clarament que l'arquebisbe Marca els demanà personalment a Pujades en vida d'aquest. Com sigui, la question d'aquesta absència queda pendent."
39. Pujades, (see above, n. 3), vol. VI, p. 263. This poetic metaphor seems to relate to Sunifred of Urgell, the father of Guifré el Pilos, who lost the support of Charles the Bald because of false accusations. It is paraphrased from: "…los reyes en el informarse de las cosas y en el saber el justo valor de ellas pocas veces beben agua clara saliendo de sus manantiales; y no tomándolas de sus principios, sino de relaciones pasadas por conductos no siempre límpios, ántes muy amenudo charcosos, corrompidos y gastados, ó presentados en vasos que no son búcaros de Portugal ni porcelanas de la India ó hueso de unicornio; es muy posible lleguen gastadas ó en de peligro serlo, y aun de estragar los estómagos de quien las bebe." Apparently, Pujades discovered that the Gesta comitum Barcinonensium pertains to grail romance.
40. C. du Fresne du Cange, Glossarium mediæ..., (Niort, 1885), Tom. IV, p.91. He is followed by Joan Cromines, Diccionari Etimològic Complimentari de la Llegua Catalana, Vol. IV, (Barcelona, 1984), p.637: GREAL “del cat. Greala ‘escudella’ (cat. arcaic gradal, f.)… La dada més antiga que es té del mot en qualsevol país es troba en una escriptura catalana, in més concretament Urgelllesa en latí en l’any 1010 (du C.) 'ad Sancta Fide coenobio gradales duas de argento'... d’Ermengarda, filla del comte Borrell de Barcelona, any 1030, tornem a trobar 'vexela de auro et de argento, id sunt enapos V, et gradals II...
41. Manuel Castiñeiras and Jordi Camps, Romanesque Art in the MNAC collections, with Joan Duran-Porta, tr. Andrew Langdon-Davies and Andrew Stacey, pp. 27-28, 46, (Barcelona, 2008). See also Joseph Goering, The Virgin and the Grail: origins of a legend, (New Haven, 2005).
42. Chandler R. Post, A History of Spanish Painting, (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), vol. I, p. 195, Charles L. Kuhn, Romanesque mural painting of Catalonia, (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), p. 20, Otto Demus, Romanische Wandmalerei, (Munich, 1968), p. 160.
43. Gaquère, (see above, n. 22), p.71
Jesús Villanueva (see above, n. 2), p. 208: He writes that Baluze became secretary in 1656, only six years before de Marca's death.
45. Keith Busby, Les Manuscrits de Chrétien de Troyes, vol.2, (Amsterdam, 1993), pp. 95-96.
46. Léopold Delisle, Les manuscrits de Colbert, num. 1, (Paris 1863) p. 301. The noted "administrateur général de la Bibliothèque nationale" claims: "On ne sait pour quels motifs le savant qui avait crée cette collection, qui l'avait adminstrée avec tant the zèle, en fut tout à coup séparé." Available on-line.
47. Busby, (see above n. 45)
48. Pujades, (see above, n. 15). The editors had no access to the translation of Pujades who added "baso" before "ampolla" and translated Feliu and Pons into Spanish, as p. 51 in vol. VII confirms.
49. Miralles, (see above, n. 24), Appendices.
50. Pons Guri, (see above, n. 28)
, p. 66.
51. "Tercera Parte, que el autor dejó inédita
..." For example, vol. VI has 19 footnotes of the editors, and VII has 96. The critical footnotes are on pp. 2, 3, 11, 14, 15, 21, 37, 40, 46, 61, 62, 68, 79, 84, 89, 91, 102, 105, 110, 125, 147, 158, 163, 183, 186, 213, 247, 306, 310, 323, 328, 362, 385, 404, 407, 408, 409, 413, 419, 426, 449, 474, 479, 490, 536, 542, 543, 544. The references to the Marca Hispanica are on pp. 61, 70, 430, and to flósculo on pp. 92, 95, 143, 387. The others are in vol. VIII, which is part of Esp. 120: Critical footnotes are on pp. 2, 13, 18, 36, 47, 61, 65, 77, 94, 100, 128, 161, 356, 391, to Marca Hispanica are on pp. 69, 70, 278, 293, 296, 308, 432, 440, 446, 450, 483, 509, and to flósculo on pp. 170, 312, 315, 317, and 348. See also
Vol. VII, pp. 1-2: "Son muchas y de la mayor consecuencia las equivocaciones sobre la sucesion y épocas de nuestros primitivos Condes en que han incurrido los historiadores de Cataluña por falte de noticias, y por haber dado asenso con la sobrada buena fé á las fábulas que nos dejó escritas el autor del Gesta Comitum Barchinonensium publicado por Balucio en el Marca Hispanica".
52. Eduard Riu-Barrera, La fortuna d'unes obres, Sant Pere de Rodes, del monestir al museu, from Quaderns del Museu Frederic Marès, Expositions 12, (Barcelona, 2007), English on pp. 302-03.
53. Alexandre Deulofeu, Sant Pere de Roda, its importance, history and art, English ed., (Editorial Emporitana, Figueras, 1970), pp. 16-17.
54. Riu-Barrera, (see above, n. 52), p. 307. The original quote about the chamber is in Catalan on p. 46: "Sota seu es trobava un prou gran reconditori, construït en dèposit soterrani i que les recents excavacions han trobat completament esbotzat pels saquejadors." The Spanish translation is on p. 238: "Debajo había un reconditorio de tamaño considerable construido en un depósito subterráneo que fue completamente destrozado por los saqueadores y ha sido encontrado en las excavaciones recientes."
55. Immaculada Lorés, El Monestir De Sant Pere De Rodes, (Barcelona, 2002), p. 287.
56. Ibid., pp. 19-20. Here an excerpt in Catalan: "
Dos murs paral-lels i molt regulars, construïts amb grans carreus rectangulars de granit que constructivament difereixen de la resta de construccions del monastir, delimiten un gran edifici rectangular, de 25 x 7 m, l'aparell del qual va fer pensar que es tractava d'una edificació d'epoca romana (Mataró i Pladelasala 1992: 35, Mataró et al. 1992-1993: 149; Burch et al. 1994: 166; Mataró i Riu i Barrera 1994: 81) "...
Del que no se'n pot deduir res és de la seva funció original. De tota manera, la immillorable situatió estratègica de l'indret fa perfectament plausible suposar-hi un emplaçament antic".
57. Ibid., pp. 22-23. Lorés doesn't quite separate her sources, because Pujades references about a dozen times the chronicle numbered 223, and once as "llamado Registro" in his work. It may be another way to hide his plagiarism that de Marcs identifies a Speculum Sancti Petri Rodensis as his source.
à, Annals de l'Institut Empordanesos, 34, Figueres, 2001, pàg
Riu-Barrera, (see above, n. 52), p. 96. M. Jaubert de Passa, Recherches historiques et géographiques sur la montagne de Roses et le cap de Creus, (Paris, 1833), pp. 83-84. He credits in his notes P. Vila, Recherches historiques et géographiques sur la montagne de Roses et le cap de Creus, per M. Jaubert de Paç
59. Pujades, (see above, n. 3). Vol. VII, p. 185.
60. Lorés, (see above, n. 55), p. 287. "
També es va poder comprovar de l'edifici estigué en ús com a mínim fins al segle XVII..."
61. Pujades (see above, n. 3). Vol. VII, pp. 411-414.
62. C. du Fresne du Cange, Glossarium, L.Favre, Niort 1885, Tom. IV, p. 91. Details are offered by Joan Coromines, Diccionari Etimològic Complimentari de la Llegua Catalana, Vol. IV, Curial Edicions Catalanes, Barcelona, 1984, p. 637.
GREAL “del cat. Greala ‘escudella’ (cat. arcaic gradal, f.)… La dada més antiga que es té del mot en qualsevol país es troba en una escriptura catalana, in més concretament urgellesa en latí en l’any 1010 (du C.): "ad Sancta Fide coenobio gradales duas de argento" [...], d’Ermengarda, filla del comte Borrell de Barcelona, any 1030, tornem a trobar "vexela de auro et de argento, id sunt enapos V, et gradals II".
63. R. Lejeune, ‘The Troubadours’, in Loomis, pp. 393-99 (397). ‘Chrétien de Troyes’ in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: a collaborative history, ed. Roger S. Loomis (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1959), pp. 159-71 (161).
9 that it is by an anonymous editor. We finally understand the wisdom of Torres Amat, because it protected the descendants of Pujades from persecution.
Pujades (see above, n. 3). Vol. VIII, pp. I - IX. The extensive advertencia of 8.5 pages in small print promotes the dedication of Pujades and his family to the Spanish crown. The reaction of Torres Amat indicates that many subscribers considered it suspicious, as we did by concluding wrongly in our chapter
á to a "curious acquaintance" of its prior. The prior's cousin Roig y Jalpí is featured in vol. VIII twice, who was a Franciscan friar Minor like Fornés, which indicates he may have become his assistant in the 1640s. Where else could he have read the continuation of the Crónica and praise it passionately as "worth more than all the treasures of Venice?"
s also a theme from the forword of vol. VII, where he attributes the addition of Maria de Mey
65. We reveal this information in support of the search for the cave with Peter's relics, because they are missing from his tomb at the Vatican. It would be nice if the popes could be humbled some day to stop ruling like emperors, and start turning their amassed wealth into food for the world – as Jesus would without hesitation!
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